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/wiki/Cayman_Islands_Football_Association#P463#0
|
What organization or association or team did Cayman Islands Football Association join in 1992?
|
Cayman Islands Football Association The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier . The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF . History . In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field . In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End , also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards . Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation . The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football at the highest professional level . The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers . Presidents . - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands 07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago External links . - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site
|
[
"Caribbean Football Union"
] |
[
{
"text": " The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "at the highest professional level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": "07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Cayman_Islands_Football_Association#P463#1
|
What organization or association or team did Cayman Islands Football Association join in 1966?
|
Cayman Islands Football Association The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier . The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF . History . In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field . In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End , also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards . Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation . The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football at the highest professional level . The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers . Presidents . - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands 07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago External links . - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site
|
[
"CONCACAF"
] |
[
{
"text": " The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "at the highest professional level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": "07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Cayman_Islands_Football_Association#P463#2
|
What organization or association or team did Cayman Islands Football Association join in 1992?
|
Cayman Islands Football Association The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier . The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF . History . In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field . In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End , also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards . Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation . The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football at the highest professional level . The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers . Presidents . - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands 07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago External links . - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site
|
[
"FIFA"
] |
[
{
"text": " The Cayman Islands Football Association is the governing body of football in the Cayman Islands . The Cayman Islands Football Association governs all National Team programs , youth development leagues , Womens league and the Cayman Islands Mens Premier League . , the Cayman Islands were ranked 181st moving up four places in the FIFA world rankings after a 1:1 draw against the Dominican Republic in a 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifier .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "The Cayman Islands national football team is the national team of the Cayman Islands and is controlled by the Cayman Islands Football Association . It is a member of FIFA and CONCACAF .",
"title": "Cayman Islands Football Association"
},
{
"text": "In 1966 , the Cayman Islands Football Association was formed , to administer the sport in the islands , which by then had a growing domestic league . As the game grew , the need for expanding football facilities became evident . In 1982 the Annex Field , originally built by developer Mike Simmons , was further improved . The Ed Bush field was built in West Bay and opened by the Queen on March 6 , 1994 , followed by a memorable game in which the Cayman Islands beat Jamaica to qualify for the finals of the Shell Caribbean",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Cup in Trinidad & Tobago . Encouraged by this result , Government agreed a build a new football field .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1995 , the association presided over the further development of the national sports complex , which was transformed into a modern multi-purpose facility , and renamed the Truman Bodden Sports Complex . On July 30 of that year , the Cayman Islands hosted the Shell Caribbean Cup Finals , for the first time , attracting some of the biggest names in world football . Among the guests were then FIFA President Joao Havelange and the legendary Brazilian hero of the game , Pele . While on this visit , Pele officially opened the Donovan Rankine Field in East End",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", also built in 1995 . The North Side field came in for redesign and upgrade in 1998/1999 and the G . Haig Bodden Playing Field was completed in Bodden Town shortly afterwards .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Following the destruction caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 , which left nearly all sporting facilities on the islands destroyed or unusable , the Cayman Islands Government launched a $28-million , four-year reconstruction project , which has seen all five district stadiums on Grand Cayman , and the Cayman Brac playing field , redeveloped to the highest international standards . Both the Annex stadium in George Town - now renamed the T . E . McField Sports Centre after its founder - and the Ed Bush Stadium in West Bay are FIFA Two-Star Football Turf facilities , and the Truman",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Bodden Sports Complex has been reopened as a 3,000 capacity national stadium . The Cayman Islands now have the facilities to rival any island in the region , a wonderful achievement for such a small nation .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA now presides over sixteen domestic league and cup competitions at the Under-13 boys , Under-15 boys , Under-17 boys , Under-17 girls , and mens and womens senior levels . In addition to competitions , the CIFA oversees an active calendar of education courses for coaches , referees and administrators , as well as regular camps and training programmes for young players . Through a wide range of regional and international contacts and partners , we have been able to establish exchange programmes with clubs in Europe and South America , offering players and coaches exposure of football",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "at the highest professional level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The CIFA realised two major achievements in 2009 , as the Under-17 womens national team became the first Cayman Islands team to progress to the finals of the regional Concacaf Under-17 Womens Championships , and with the opening of the new CIFA office at the Cayman Centre for Excellence ; a long-term development that will provide the CIFA with a dedicated training and administration centre . In September 2011 the Cayman Islands National Under-20 Womens Football Team qualified for the next round of the U-20 Womens World Cup after beating Suriname 4:0 and narrowly losing 1:0 to Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in the first round of the Caribbean Football Union World Cup Qualifiers .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " - Allan Moore ( 1981–1985 ) - Ed Bush ( 1985–1987 ) - Allan Moore ( 1987–1989 ) - Tony Scott ( 1989–1991 ) - Jeffrey Webb ( 1991-2015 ) - Lee Ramoon ( 2016-2017 ) - Alfredo Whittaker ( 2017- ; banned for six months ) Cayman Islands National Team results . Mens National Team 2014 FIFA Brazil World Cup Qualifying Results 14/11/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:1 ( 0:1 ) Dominican Republic 11/11/11 15:00 San Cristobal Dominican Republic 4:0 ( 2:0 ) Cayman Islands 11/10/11 19:30 San Salvador El Salvador 4:0 ( 3:0 ) Cayman Islands",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": "07/10/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Suriname",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " 06/09/11 19:30 Georgetown Cayman Islands 1:4 ( 0:0 ) El Salvador 02/09/11 18:00 Paramaribo Suriname 1:0 ( 1:0 ) Cayman Islands Womens U20 National Team CFU World Cup Qualifying Results 15/10/11 15:00 Cayman Islands 2:0 ( 1:0 ) Bahamas 18/10/11 18:00 Suriname 0:4 ( 0:0 ) Cayman Islands 20/10/11 18:00 Cayman Islands 0:1 ( 0:0 ) Trinidad & Tobago",
"title": "Presidents"
},
{
"text": " - Official website - Cayman Islands at the FIFA website - Cayman Islands at CONCACAF site",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Charles_Bachman#P108#0
|
Which employer did Charles Bachman work for between Mar 1955 and Jun 1957?
|
Charles Bachman Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams . Biography . Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns . After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi . In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 . Work . Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived . In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product . Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users . In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes . Bachman Information Systems . In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics . In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 . In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 . Awards . - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” . - In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems . Publications . Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 . - 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 . - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 . - 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 . - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 . - 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 . - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 . - 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 . After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .
|
[
"Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan"
] |
[
{
"text": " Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams .",
"title": "Charles Bachman"
},
{
"text": " Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": "In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .",
"title": "Publications"
}
] |
/wiki/Charles_Bachman#P108#1
|
Which employer did Charles Bachman work for in late 1960s?
|
Charles Bachman Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams . Biography . Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns . After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi . In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 . Work . Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived . In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product . Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users . In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes . Bachman Information Systems . In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics . In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 . In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 . Awards . - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” . - In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems . Publications . Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 . - 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 . - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 . - 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 . - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 . - 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 . - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 . - 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 . After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams .",
"title": "Charles Bachman"
},
{
"text": " Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": "In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .",
"title": "Publications"
}
] |
/wiki/Charles_Bachman#P108#2
|
Which employer did Charles Bachman work for between Nov 1972 and May 1974?
|
Charles Bachman Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams . Biography . Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns . After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi . In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 . Work . Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived . In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product . Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users . In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes . Bachman Information Systems . In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics . In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 . In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 . Awards . - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” . - In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems . Publications . Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 . - 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 . - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 . - 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 . - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 . - 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 . - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 . - 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 . After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .
|
[
"Honeywell Information Systems"
] |
[
{
"text": " Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams .",
"title": "Charles Bachman"
},
{
"text": " Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": "In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .",
"title": "Publications"
}
] |
/wiki/Charles_Bachman#P108#3
|
Which employer did Charles Bachman work for between Jul 1982 and Aug 1982?
|
Charles Bachman Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams . Biography . Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns . After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi . In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 . Work . Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived . In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product . Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users . In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes . Bachman Information Systems . In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics . In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 . In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 . Awards . - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” . - In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems . Publications . Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 . - 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 . - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 . - 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 . - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 . - 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 . - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 . - 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 . After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .
|
[
"Cullinane Information Systems"
] |
[
{
"text": " Charles William Bachman III ( December 11 , 1924 – July 13 , 2017 ) was an American computer scientist , who spent his entire career as an industrial researcher , developer , and manager rather than in academia . He was particularly known for his work in the early development of database management systems . His techniques of layered architecture include his namesake Bachman diagrams .",
"title": "Charles Bachman"
},
{
"text": " Charles Bachman was born in Manhattan , Kansas , in 1924 , where his father , Charles Bachman Jr. , was the head football coach at Kansas State College . He attended high school in East Lansing , Michigan . In World War II he joined the United States Army and spent March 1944 through February 1946 in the South West Pacific Theater serving in the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Corps in New Guinea , Australia , and the Philippine Islands . There he was first exposed to and used fire control computers for aiming 90 mm guns .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After his discharge in 1946 he attended Michigan State College and graduated in 1948 with a bachelors degree in Mechanical Engineering where he was a member of Tau Beta Pi .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In mid-1949 he married Connie Hadley . He then attended the University of Pennsylvania . In 1950 , he graduated with a masters degree in Mechanical Engineering , and had also completed three-quarters of the requirements for an MBA from the universitys Wharton School of Business . Bachman died on July 13 , 2017 , at his home in Lexington , Massachusetts , of Parkinsons disease at the age of 92 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Bachman spent his entire career as a practicing software engineer or manager in industry rather than in academia . In 1950 he started working at Dow Chemical in Midland , Michigan . In 1957 he became Dows first data processing manager . He worked with the IBM user group SHARE on developing a new version of report generator software , which became known as 9PAC . However , the planned IBM 709 order was cancelled before it arrived .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1960 he joined General Electric , where by 1963 he developed the Integrated Data Store ( IDS ) , one of the first database management systems using what came to be known as the navigational database model , in the Manufacturing Information And Control System ( MIACS ) product .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " Working for customer Weyerhaeuser Lumber , he developed the first multiprogramming network access to the IDS database , an early online transaction processing system called WEYCOS in 1965 . Later at GE he developed the dataBasic product that offered database support to Basic language timesharing users .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": "In 1970 , GE sold its computer business to Honeywell Information Systems , so he and his family moved from Phoenix , Arizona to Lexington , Massachusetts . In 1981 , he joined a smaller firm , Cullinane Information Systems ( later Cullinet ) , which offered a version of IDS that was called IDMS and supported IBM mainframes .",
"title": "Work"
},
{
"text": " In 1983 , he founded Bachman Information Systems , which developed a line of computer-aided software engineering ( CASE ) products . The centerpiece of these products was the BACHMAN/Data Analyst , which provided graphic support to the creation and maintenance of Bachman Diagrams . It was featured in IBMs Reengineering Cycle marketing program , combining : 1 . the reverse engineering of obsolete mainframe databases , 2 . data modeling , 3 . forward engineering to new physical databases , and 4 . optimization of physical database designs for performance and DBMS specifics .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": "In 1991 Bachman Information Systems had their initial public offering , trading on the NASDAQ with the symbol BACH . After reaching a high of $37.75 in February 1992 , the price hit $1.75 in 1995 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " In 1996 , his company merged with Cadre Technology to form Cayenne Software . He served as president of the combined company for a year , and then retired to Tucson , Arizona . He continued to serve as chairman of the board of Cayenne , which was acquired by Sterling Software in 1998 .",
"title": "Bachman Information Systems"
},
{
"text": " - Bachman received the Turing Award from the Association for Computing Machinery ( ACM ) in 1973 for his outstanding contributions to database technology . - He was elected as a Distinguished Fellow of the British Computer Society in 1977 for his pioneering work in database systems . - In 2012 , Bachman was awarded a National Medal of Technology and Innovation for fundamental inventions in database management , transaction processing , and software engineering . - He was named an ACM Fellow in 2014 “For contributions to database technology , notably the integrated data store” .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- In 2015 , he was made a Fellow of the Computer History Museum for his early work on developing database systems .",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " Bachman published dozens of publications and papers . A selection : - 1962 . Precedence Diagrams : The Key to Production Planning , Scheduling and Control . In : ProCo Features . Supplement No 24 , August 24 . . - 1965 . Integrated Data Store . in : DPMA Quarterly , January 1965 . - 1969 . Software for Random Access Processing . in : Datamation April 1965 . - 1969 . Data Structure Diagrams . in : DataBase : A Quarterly Newsletter of SIGBDP . vol . 1 , no . 2 , Summer 1969 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1972 . Architecture Definition Technique : Its Objectives , Theory , Process , Facilities , and Practice . co-authored with J . Bouvard . in : Data Description , Access and Control : Proceedings of the 1972 ACM-SIGFIDET Workshop , November 29-December 1 , 1972 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1972 . The Evolution of Storage Structures . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 15 , no . 7 , July 1972 . - 1972-73 . Set Concept for Data Structure . In : Encyclopedia of Computer Science , 1972-1973 . - 1973 . The Programmer as Navigator . 1973 ACM Turing Award lecture . In : Communications of the ACM vol . 16 , no . 11 , November 1973 . ( pdf ) - 1974 . Implementation Techniques for Data Structure Sets . In : Data Base Management Systems , 1974 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1977 . Why Restrict the Modeling Capability of Codasyl Data Structure Sets ? In : National Computer Conference vol . 46 , 1977 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1978 . Commentary on the CODASYL Systems Committees Interim Report on Distributed Database Technology . National Computer Conference vol . 47 , 1978 . - 1978 . DDP Will Be Infinitely Affected , So Managers Beware ! in : DM , March 1978 . - 1980 . The Impact of Structured Data Throughout Computer-Based Information Systems . In : Information Processing 80 , 1980 . - 1980 . The Role Data Model Approach to Data Structures . In ; International Conference on Data Bases , March 24 , 1980 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1982 . Toward a More Complete Reference Model of Computer-Based Information Systems . Co-authored with Ronald G . Ross . In : Computers and Standards 1 , 1982 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1983 . The Structuring Capabilities of the Molecular Data Model . In ; Entity-Relationship Approach to Software Engineering . C . G . Davis , S . Jajodia , and R . T . Yeh . eds . June 1983 . - 1987 . A Case for Adaptable Programming . In : Logic vol . 2 , no . 1 , Spring 1987 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1989 . A Personal Chronicle : Creating Better Information Systems , with Some Guiding Principles . In : IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering vol . 1 , no . 1 , March 1989 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " After his retirement , Bachman volunteered to help record the history of early software development . In 2002 he gave a lecture at the Computer History Museum on assembling the Integrated Data Store , and an oral history for the ACM in 2004 . Bachman papers from 1951 to 2007 are available from the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota . In 2011 , he contributed an oral history to the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers .",
"title": "Publications"
}
] |
/wiki/Aleksandar_Vučić#P39#0
|
Which position did Aleksandar Vučić hold between Oct 1999 and Aug 2000?
|
Aleksandar Vučić Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 . Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 . As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy . In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom . Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše . His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist . Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War . Political career . Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege . After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment . Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes . During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country . Radical Party to Progressive Party . Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear . Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics . On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong , I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that . Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) . Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament . Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election . At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU . On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election . Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power . After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić . This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree . President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets . However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia . After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 . Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime . In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets . Policies . Economy . After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard . On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68% Fight against corruption and organized crime . Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests . On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions . EU and Immigration policy . During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries . Kosovo question . Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future . In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians . On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in the elections . On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats . On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other . Mini Schengen Zone . On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone . Relations with Croatia . In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family . During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries . In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile . On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia . On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia . Relations with Russia . Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia . We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future . During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems . In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy . Relations with the United States . In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before . Relations with China . Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe . The media . In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media . Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election . In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric . After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies . Internet surveillance . Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned content and attack his opponents . Criticism and controversies . Public profile . Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support . Greater Serbia . Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s , Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology . On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić . On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence . Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Mladić . In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party . Slavko Ćuruvija . It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists . Personal life . At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son . During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda , the most popular music competition in Balkans . On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems . On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade . During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment . Honours . Other . - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award External links . - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website
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[
"Minister of Information"
] |
[
{
"text": " Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": ". Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong ,",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68%",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "Fight against corruption and organized crime .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "the elections .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": " On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": "three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone .",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": " In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe .",
"title": "Relations with China"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": ". After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": "content and attack his opponents .",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": " Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support .",
"title": "Public profile"
},
{
"text": "Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s ,",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "and shelter Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": "was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists .",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": " At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": ", the most popular music competition in Balkans .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award",
"title": "Other"
},
{
"text": " - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Aleksandar_Vučić#P39#1
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Which position did Aleksandar Vučić hold in Oct 2006?
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Aleksandar Vučić Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 . Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 . As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy . In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom . Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše . His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist . Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War . Political career . Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege . After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment . Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes . During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country . Radical Party to Progressive Party . Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear . Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics . On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong , I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that . Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) . Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament . Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election . At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU . On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election . Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power . After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić . This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree . President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets . However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia . After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 . Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime . In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets . Policies . Economy . After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard . On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68% Fight against corruption and organized crime . Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests . On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions . EU and Immigration policy . During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries . Kosovo question . Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future . In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians . On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in the elections . On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats . On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other . Mini Schengen Zone . On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone . Relations with Croatia . In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family . During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries . In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile . On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia . On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia . Relations with Russia . Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia . We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future . During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems . In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy . Relations with the United States . In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before . Relations with China . Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe . The media . In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media . Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election . In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric . After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies . Internet surveillance . Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned content and attack his opponents . Criticism and controversies . Public profile . Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support . Greater Serbia . Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s , Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology . On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić . On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence . Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Mladić . In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party . Slavko Ćuruvija . It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists . Personal life . At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son . During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda , the most popular music competition in Balkans . On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems . On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade . During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment . Honours . Other . - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award External links . - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website
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[
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[
{
"text": " Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": ". Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong ,",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68%",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "Fight against corruption and organized crime .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "the elections .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": " On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": "three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone .",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": " In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe .",
"title": "Relations with China"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": ". After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": "content and attack his opponents .",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": " Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support .",
"title": "Public profile"
},
{
"text": "Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s ,",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "and shelter Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": "was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists .",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": " At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": ", the most popular music competition in Balkans .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award",
"title": "Other"
},
{
"text": " - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Aleksandar_Vučić#P39#2
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Which position did Aleksandar Vučić hold between Oct 2012 and Aug 2013?
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Aleksandar Vučić Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 . Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 . As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy . In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom . Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše . His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist . Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War . Political career . Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege . After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment . Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes . During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country . Radical Party to Progressive Party . Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear . Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics . On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong , I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that . Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) . Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament . Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election . At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU . On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election . Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power . After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić . This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree . President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets . However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia . After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 . Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime . In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets . Policies . Economy . After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard . On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68% Fight against corruption and organized crime . Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests . On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions . EU and Immigration policy . During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries . Kosovo question . Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future . In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians . On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in the elections . On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats . On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other . Mini Schengen Zone . On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone . Relations with Croatia . In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family . During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries . In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile . On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia . On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia . Relations with Russia . Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia . We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future . During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems . In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy . Relations with the United States . In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before . Relations with China . Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe . The media . In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media . Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election . In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric . After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies . Internet surveillance . Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned content and attack his opponents . Criticism and controversies . Public profile . Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support . Greater Serbia . Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s , Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology . On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić . On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence . Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Mladić . In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party . Slavko Ćuruvija . It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists . Personal life . At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son . During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda , the most popular music competition in Balkans . On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems . On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade . During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment . Honours . Other . - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award External links . - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website
|
[
"Minister of Defence"
] |
[
{
"text": " Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": ". Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong ,",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68%",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "Fight against corruption and organized crime .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "the elections .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": " On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": "three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone .",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": " In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe .",
"title": "Relations with China"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": ". After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": "content and attack his opponents .",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": " Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support .",
"title": "Public profile"
},
{
"text": "Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s ,",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "and shelter Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": "was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists .",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": " At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": ", the most popular music competition in Balkans .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award",
"title": "Other"
},
{
"text": " - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Aleksandar_Vučić#P39#3
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Which position did Aleksandar Vučić hold in Jul 2016?
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Aleksandar Vučić Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 . Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 . As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy . In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom . Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše . His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist . Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War . Political career . Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege . After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment . Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes . During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country . Radical Party to Progressive Party . Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear . Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics . On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong , I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that . Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) . Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament . Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election . At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU . On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election . Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power . After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić . This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree . President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets . However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia . After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 . Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime . In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets . Policies . Economy . After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard . On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68% Fight against corruption and organized crime . Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests . On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions . EU and Immigration policy . During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries . Kosovo question . Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future . In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians . On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in the elections . On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats . On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other . Mini Schengen Zone . On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone . Relations with Croatia . In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family . During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries . In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile . On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia . On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia . Relations with Russia . Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia . We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future . During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems . In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy . Relations with the United States . In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before . Relations with China . Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe . The media . In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media . Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election . In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric . After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies . Internet surveillance . Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned content and attack his opponents . Criticism and controversies . Public profile . Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support . Greater Serbia . Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s , Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology . On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić . On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence . Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Mladić . In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party . Slavko Ćuruvija . It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists . Personal life . At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son . During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda , the most popular music competition in Balkans . On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems . On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade . During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment . Honours . Other . - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award External links . - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website
|
[
"deputy prime minister"
] |
[
{
"text": " Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": ". Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong ,",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68%",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "Fight against corruption and organized crime .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "the elections .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": " On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": "three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone .",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": " In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe .",
"title": "Relations with China"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": ". After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": "content and attack his opponents .",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": " Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support .",
"title": "Public profile"
},
{
"text": "Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s ,",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "and shelter Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": "was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists .",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": " At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": ", the most popular music competition in Balkans .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award",
"title": "Other"
},
{
"text": " - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Aleksandar_Vučić#P39#4
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Which position did Aleksandar Vučić hold in Dec 2017?
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Aleksandar Vučić Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 . Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 . As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy . In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom . Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše . His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist . Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War . Political career . Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege . After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment . Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes . During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country . Radical Party to Progressive Party . Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear . Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics . On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong , I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that . Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) . Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament . Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election . At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU . On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election . Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power . After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić . This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree . President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets . However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia . After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 . Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime . In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets . Policies . Economy . After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard . On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68% Fight against corruption and organized crime . Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests . On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions . EU and Immigration policy . During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries . Kosovo question . Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future . In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians . On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in the elections . On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats . On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other . Mini Schengen Zone . On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone . Relations with Croatia . In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family . During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries . In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile . On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia . On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia . Relations with Russia . Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia . We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future . During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems . In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy . Relations with the United States . In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before . Relations with China . Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe . The media . In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media . Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election . In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric . After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies . Internet surveillance . Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned content and attack his opponents . Criticism and controversies . Public profile . Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support . Greater Serbia . Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s , Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology . On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić . On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence . Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Mladić . In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party . Slavko Ćuruvija . It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists . Personal life . At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son . During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda , the most popular music competition in Balkans . On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems . On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade . During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment . Honours . Other . - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award External links . - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website
|
[
"president of Serbia"
] |
[
{
"text": " Aleksandar Vučić ( , ; born 5 March 1970 ) is a Serbian politician serving as the president of Serbia since 2017 and as the president of the populist Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) since 2012 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić served as the Prime Minister of Serbia in two terms , from 2014 to 2016 and from 2016 until 2017 , as well as the deputy prime minister from 2012 until 2014 . Furthermore , Vučić served as a member of the Serbian parliament , Minister of Information from 1998 to 2000 , and later as Minister of Defence from 2012 to 2013 . In April 2017 , Vučić was elected president with over 55% of the vote in the first round , thus avoiding a second round . He formally assumed office on 31 May 2017 , succeeding",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić . His ceremonial inauguration ceremony was held on 23 June 2017 .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Information under the Slobodan Milošević administration , he introduced restrictive measures against journalists , especially during the Kosovo War . In the period after the Bulldozer Revolution , Vučić was one of the most prominent figures of the opposition . Since the establishment of the new party in 2008 , he shifted away from his original far-right and hard Eurosceptic platform toward pro-European , conservative and populist political positions . The SNS-led coalition won the 2012 election and the Serbian Progressive Party became part of the government for the first time , leading to the establishment of",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "the dominant-party system . After Vučić became the head of government in 2014 , he promised to continue to follow the accession process to the European Union ( EU ) by privatizing state businesses and liberalizing the economy .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "In December 2015 , the EU opened first chapters during the accession conference with the Serbian delegation led by Vučić . He is one of the crucial figures in cooperation and EU-mediated dialogue between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia , advocating the implementation of the Brussels Agreement on the normalization of their relations . Following United States-mediated negotiations , Vučić signed an agreement in September 2020 to normalize economic relations with Kosovo , but also to move the Serbian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem . He is one of the initiators of Mini Schengen Zone , an economic zone",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "of the Western Balkans countries intended to guarantee four freedoms . Observers have described Vučićs rule as an authoritarian , autocratic or illiberal democratic regime , citing curtailed press freedom .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Early life and education . Aleksandar Vučić was born in Belgrade to Anđelko Vučić and Angelina Milovanov . He has a younger brother , Andrej . His paternal ancestors came from Čipuljić , near Bugojno , in central Bosnia . They were expelled by the Croatian fascists ( Ustaše ) during World War II and settled near Belgrade , where his father was born . According to Vučić , his paternal grandfather Anđelko and tens of other close relatives were killed by the Ustaše .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "His mother was born in Bečej in Vojvodina . Both of his parents were economics graduates . His father worked as an economist , and his mother as a journalist .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "Vučić was raised in New Belgrade , where he attended the Branko Radičević elementary school , and later a gymnasium in Zemun . He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law . He learned English in Brighton , England , and worked as a merchant in London for some time . After returning to Yugoslavia , he worked as a journalist in Pale , Bosnia and Herzegovina . There , he interviewed politician Radovan Karadžić and once played chess with general Ratko Mladić . As a youngster , Vučić was a fan of Red Star Belgrade , often",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": "attending their matches , including the one played between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star on 13 May 1990 , which turned into a huge riot . The homes of his relatives were destroyed in the Bosnian War .",
"title": "Aleksandar Vučić"
},
{
"text": " Vučić joined the Serbian Radical Party ( SRS ) in 1993 , a far right party whose core ideology is based on Serbian nationalism and the goal of creating a Greater Serbia , and was elected to the National Assembly following the 1993 parliamentary election . Two years later , Vučić became secretary-general of the SRS . He was one of the SRSs volunteers who visited the army that kept Sarajevo under the siege .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his party won the local elections in Zemun in 1996 , he became the director of Pinki Hall , which was his first employment .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Minister of Information ( 1998–2000 ) . In March 1998 , Vučić was appointed Minister of Information in the government of Mirko Marjanović . Scholars described Vučić as the crucial figure in the shaping of turn-of-the century media policies in Serbia . Following rising resentment against Milošević , Vučić introduced fines for journalists who criticized the government and banned foreign TV networks . He recalled in 2014 that he was wrong and had changed , stating I was not ashamed to confess all my political mistakes .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "During this period , Serbian media was accused for broadcasting Serbian nationalist propaganda , which demonized ethnic minorities and legitimized Serb atrocities against them . In 1998 , the government adopted Europes most restrictive media law by the end of the 20th century , which created a special misdemeanor court to try violations . It had the ability to impose heavy fines and to confiscate property if they were not immediately paid . Serbian media were under severe repression of the state , and that foreign media had been seen as foreign elements and spies . Human Rights Watch reported",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "that five independent newspaper editors were charged with disseminating misinformation because they referred to Albanians who had died in Kosovo as people rather than terrorists . The government crackdown on independent media intensified when NATO forces were threatening intervention in Kosovo in late September and early October 1998 . Furthermore , the government also maintained direct control of state radio and television , which provided news for the majority of the population . After the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia began in March 1999 , Vučić called for a meeting of all Belgrades editors . Print media were ordered to submit",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "all copies to the Ministry for approval and they were allowed to publish only official statements and information taken from media outlets , which either are controlled by the state or practice radical self-censorship . Also , Vučić ordered all NATO countries journalists to leave the country .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Nikolić , deputy leader of the Radical Party and de facto interim leader due to absence of Vojislav Šešelj , resigned on 6 September 2008 because of disagreement with Šešelj over the partys support for Serbias EU membership . With some other well-known Radical Party members he formed a new parliamentary club called Napred Srbijo ! ( Forward Serbia! ) . On 12 September 2008 Nikolić and his group were officially ejected from the Radical Party on the session of SRS leadership . Vučić , as secretary-general was called to attend this session , but he did not appear",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": ". Tomislav Nikolić announced he would form his own party and called Vučić to join . Vučić , one of the most popular figures among SRS supporters , resigned from Radical Party on 14 September 2008 . The next day , Vučić announced his temporary withdrawal from politics .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "On 6 October 2008 , Vučić confirmed in a TV interview that he was to join the newly formed Nikolićs Serbian Progressive Party ( SNS ) and that he would be the Deputy President of the party . He then seemed to change his positions . In 2010 he made statements such as a horrible crime was committed in Srebrenica , saying he felt ashamed of the Serbs who did it . I do not hide that I have changed.. . I am proud of that , he told AFP in an interview in 2012 . I was wrong ,",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "I thought I was doing the best for my country , but I saw the results and we failed , We need to admit that .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Nikolić stepped down as party leader on 24 May 2012 following his election as President of Serbia . Vučić assumed leadership until the next party congress is held to elect a new leader . On 29 September 2012 Vučić was elected as party leader , with Jorgovanka Tabaković as his deputy . Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister ( 2012–2014 ) .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić briefly served as Minister of Defence and First Deputy Prime Minister from July 2012 to August 2013 , when he stepped down from his position of Defence Minister in a cabinet reshuffle . Although the Prime Minister , Ivica Dačić Deba , held formal power as head-of-government , many analysts thought that Vučić had the most influence in government as head of the largest party in the governing coalition and parliament .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " Prime Minister ( 2014–2017 ) . 2014 parliamentary election . As a result of the 2014 parliamentary election , Vučićs Serbian Progressive Party won 158 out of 250 seats in Parliament and formed a ruling coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia . Vučić was elected Prime Minister of Serbia . 2016 parliamentary election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "At a party conference of his ruling Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić announced early general elections , citing that : He wants to ensure that the country has stable rule that its current political direction will continue – including its attempt to secure membership of the EU .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " On 4 March 2016 , Serbian President , Tomislav Nikolić , dissolved the parliament , scheduling early elections for 24 April . The ruling coalition around Vučićs SNS obtained 48.25% of the vote . Vučićs ruling SNS retained majority in the parliament , despite winning less seats than in 2014 parliamentary election . The coalition around SNS won 131 seats , 98 of which belong to SNS . 2017 presidential election .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Vučić announced his candidacy in the presidential election on 14 February 2017 , despite earlier statements that he would not run . According to the Constitution , Serbia is a parliamentary republic in which the presidency is largely ceremonial with no significant executive power .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After initial speculations that the incumbent president , Tomislav Nikolić , would also run , he backed Vučić and his ruling SNS party . Vučić won the election in the first round , having obtained 56.01 percent of the vote . The independent candidate , Saša Janković was second with 16.63 percent , ahead of satirical politician Luka Maksimović and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Vuk Jeremić .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "This public opinion survey , carried out by CeSID , showed that significant proportions of Vučić supporters are composed of pensioners ( 41% ) and that a large majority ( 63% ) hold secondary education degrees , while 21% have less than a high school degree .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " President ( 2017–present ) . The election result sparked protests around Serbia . Thousands of protesters accused Vučić of leading the country towards authoritarianism . Protesters organised the rallies through social networks and insist they are not linked to any party or politician , and demand a total overhaul of what they call corrupt political , business and media systems that serve an elite led by Mr Vučić . Vučić maintained that the protests were organized by his political opponents who expected the dictator would bring the police into the streets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "However , Vučić was sworn in as President of Serbia on 31 May , in front of Parliament . He promised to continue with reforms and said Serbia will remain on a European path . He also said Serbia will maintain military neutrality , but continue to build partnerships with both NATO and Russia .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " After becoming president , Vučić disbanded the traditional police security service responsible for Presidents protection , and replaced it with members of the Cobras , military police unit which contrary to the law , protected him while he served as the Prime Minister from 2014 to 2017 .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "Since late 2018 and into early 2019 , thousands of Serbians have taken to the streets to protest the presidency of Vučić . The protesters charge that Vučić and the SNS are corrupt and that Vučić is trying to cement himself as an autocrat , which he denies . In 2019 , Freedom House report that Serbias status declined from Free to Partly Free due to deterioration in the conduct of elections , continued attempts by the government and allied media outlets to undermine independent journalists through legal harassment and smear campaigns , and Vučićs accumulation of executive powers that",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "conflict with his constitutional role . After Vučićs announcement of the reintroduction of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic , thousands of people protested , accusing the government of missteps in handling of the pandemic , including the premature lifting of restrictions and downplaying the risk to hold the elections . Some analysts said that they had not witnessed police violence in Serbia since the Slobodan Miloševićs regime .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": " In March 2021 Vučić visited Bahrain , making him the first Serbian president to visit the country . According to Amnesty Internationals annual report for 2021 , Vučićs mandate is characterised by human rights violations , restrictions on freedom of expression and campaigns of harassment against the opposition figures , journalists and media outlets .",
"title": "Political career"
},
{
"text": "After his election as Prime Minister in 2014 , Vučić promoted austerity-based economic policies , whose aim was to reduce Serbias budget deficit . Vučićs policy of fiscal consolidation was primarily aimed at cuts in the public sector . One of the measures was the reduction of pensions and salaries in the public sector as well as a ban on further employment in the public sector . Vučić announced that his reform based policies have reduced countrys deficit , and contributed to financial stability . However , criticism of Vučićs economic policy stated that his measures have not overall contributed",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "to economic recovery , but have instead caused a further decline in living standard .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " On 23 February 2015 , Vučićs government has concluded a three-year stand-by arrangement with the IMF worth €1.2 billion as a precautionary measure to secure the countrys long term fiscal stability . The IMF has praised the reforms as has the EU calling them one of the most successful programmes the IMF has ever had . The GDP of Serbia has surpassed the pre crisis of 2008 levels as have the salaries . The economic prospects are good with GDP growth rising above 3% and the debt to GDP ratio falling below 68%",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "Fight against corruption and organized crime .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has pledged to tackle corruption and organized crime in Serbia . He also vowed to investigate controversial privatizations and ties between tycoons and former government members . Vučićs anti-corruption drive has recorded a 71 per cent personal approval rating in a March 2013 opinion poll , though in more than two years it produced no convictions and only a handful of arrests .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "On the other hand , data from the Transparency International showed that a significant increase in perceived corruption was seen exactly from 2012 , when Vučić came into power . According to research conducted by the Centre for Investigative Journalism , the battle against corruption in practice comes down to media announcements and arrests in front of cameras . They are followed by a large number of criminal charges , significantly fewer indictments , and even fewer convictions .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "During the 2015 – 2016 European migrant crisis , Vučić strongly aligned himself with the policies of the German Chancellor , Angela Merkel , and publicly praised German migration policy . Vučić also stated that Serbia will cooperate with the EU in solving the migrant stream going from the Middle East to EU member countries through the Balkan route , and that Serbia will be ready to take some portion of the migrants . Serbia will receive a certain number of migrants . This makes us more European than some member states . We dont build fences , Vučić wrote",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": "on Twitter , while criticizing the migrant policies of some EU member countries .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has been central to negotiations on Serbias bid for EU accession , traveling to Brussels for talks with the EUs Foreign Affairs High Commissioner , Baroness Ashton , as well as to North Kosovska Mitrovica to discuss the details of a political settlement between Belgrade and Pristina . During his visit to northern Kosovo , to garner support for the Brussels-brokered deal , he urged Kosovo Serbs to leave the past and think about the future .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "In 2017 , Vučić accused EU of hypocrisy and double standards over its very different attitude to separatist crises in Kosovo and Catalonia . In September 2018 in a speech to Kosovo Serbs he stated : Slobodan Milošević was a great Serbian leader , he had the best intentions , but our results were far worse . Journalists report that Vučić advocates the partition of Kosovo , in what he calls ethnic demarcation with Albanians .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 27 May 2019 , during a special session of the Serbian parliament on Kosovo , Vučić said that We need to recognize that we have been defeated.. . We lost the territory , while also criticizing the unprincipled attitude of great powers and no one reacting to announcements for the formation of a Greater Albania . He stated that Serbia no longer controlled Kosovo and that a compromise was needed on the issue through a future referendum in the country . Vučić has close links to the Serb List and he invited Kosovo Serbs to vote for them in",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "the elections .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": " On 20 January 2020 , Serbia and Kosovo agreed to restore flights between their capitals for the first time in more than two decades . The deal came after months of diplomatic talks by Richard Grenell , the United States ambassador to Germany , who was named special envoy for Serbia-Kosovo relations by President Donald Trump the year before . Vućić welcomed the flights agreement and tweeted his thanks to American diplomats .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 4 September 2020 Serbia and Kosovo signed an agreement at the White House in Washington D.C. , in the presence of US President Donald Trump . In addition to the economic agreement , Serbia agreed to move its Israeli embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv starting in June 2021 and Israel and Kosovo agreed to mutually recognise each other .",
"title": "Kosovo question"
},
{
"text": "On 10 October 2019 , together with Edi Rama , Prime Minister of Albania , and Zoran Zaev , Prime Minister of North Macedonia , Vučić signed the so-called Mini Schengen deal on regional economic cooperation , including on the free movement of goods , capital , services , and labour between their three countries , while they await progress on EU enlargement . A month later , the leaders presented a set of proposals to achieve the four freedoms and the first steps towards them , including the possibility to the open border area . In December , the",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": "three leaders also met with Milo Đukanović , President of Montenegro , opening the possibility for the country to join the zone . Following the 2020 Kosovo and Serbia economic agreement the two sides pledged to join the Mini Schengen Zone .",
"title": "Mini Schengen Zone"
},
{
"text": " In 2007 Vučić stated that the Democratic League of Croats in Vojvodina is a branch of the Croatian Democratic Union . In 2008 , with the establishment of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said that the goal of a Greater Serbia taking Croatian territory up to the proposed Virovitica-Karlovac-Karlobag line is unrealistic and silly . The Croatian newspaper Jutarnji list claimed in a reportage that none of his family members had been killed during World War II , upon which he replied that these were brutal lies and attacks on his family .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "During 2015 and 2016 , relations between Croatia and Serbia were further affected by to the ongoing migrant crisis , when Croatia decided to close its border with Serbia . In September 2015 , Croatia barred all cargo traffic from Serbia , due to the migrant influx coming from Serbia in a move which further eroded the fragile relations between the two countries .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " In response to these actions , Vučić announced that counter measures will be enacted if an agreement with Croatia is not reached . The dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the EU Commission , yet the relations between the two neighboring countries remain fragile .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": "On 31 March 2016 , Vojislav Seselj , leader of the Serbian Radical Party , was acquitted of War Crime charges in the Hague Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia . The verdict has caused controversy in Croatia . Vučić distanced himself from Šešelj and his policy , but stated that the verdict should not be used as a tool for political pressure on Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " On 7 April 2016 Croatia refused to endorse the EU Commission opinion to open Chapter 23 , a part of Serbias EU accession negotiations , thus effectively blocking Serbia’ EU integration process . Serbia accused Croatia of obstructing its EU membership , and Vučić said that his government was : Stunned by Croatias decision not to support Serbias European path . Croatia has not agreed for Serbia to open negotiations of Chapter 23 . On 14 April 2016 , the EU Commission rejected Croatian arguments in its dispute with Serbia .",
"title": "Relations with Croatia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has maintained traditional good relations between Serbia and Russia , and his government refused to enact sanctions on Russia , following the crisis in Ukraine and the Annexation of Crimea . Vučić has repeatedly announced that Serbia will remain committed to its European integration , but also maintain historic relations with Russia .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "We have proven our sincere and friendly attitude to Russia by being one of the European countries that refused to impose sanctions on Russia , Vučić said after meeting with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev . Serbia will continue pursuing this policy in the future .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " During Vučić’s mandate , Serbia has continued to expand its economic ties with Russia , especially by increasing Serbian exports to Russia . In early 2016 , after a meeting with the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin , Vučić announced the possibility of Serbia boosting its military cooperation with Russia by purchasing Russian missile systems .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In December 2017 , Vučić made an official visit to the Russian Federation for the first time as the President of Serbia . He expressed his gratefulness to Russia for protecting Serbian national interests , and stated that : Serbia will never impose sanctions on the Russian Federation ( in relation to the international sanctions during the Ukrainian crisis ) . During his visit , he focused on strengthening cooperation in the field of military industry and energy .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "In July 2017 Vučić visited the United States and met with U.S . Vice President Mike Pence , where they discussed U.S . support for Serbias efforts to join the European Union , the need for continued reforms , and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo . Referencing the proposed land swap arrangement between Serbia and Kosovo , U.S . national security advisor John Bolton has said that the United States would not oppose a territorial exchange between Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their long-running dispute . The U.S . State Department continues to maintain that the full",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": "normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is essential for regional stability , which Vučić has said before .",
"title": "Relations with Russia"
},
{
"text": " Vučić has sought closer cooperation with China . He has met with Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2016 , 2018 , and 2019 . After meeting with Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi , he secured Chinese help in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia through delivery of PPE and CoronaVac vaccine doses , which has contributed to Serbia leading COVID-19 vaccination rates in Europe .",
"title": "Relations with China"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Dunja Mijatović , OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media , wrote Vučić and made attention with the suppression of the media , which he denied and demanded an apology from OSCE . According to the 2015 Freedom House report and the 2017 Amnesty International report , media outlets and journalists has become subject to pressure after criticizing the government of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić . Also , Serbian media are heavily dependent on advertising contracts and government subsidies which make journalists and media outlets exposed to economic pressures , such as payment defaults , termination of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "contracts and the like . Four popular political talk TV programs were cancelled in 2014 , including the renowned political talk show Utisak nedelje by Olja Bećković , running since 24 years and well known for its critical scrutiny of all governments since . In first report after Vučić took the office , European Commission expressed concerns about deteriorating conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . Report said there was a growing trend of self-censorship which combined with undue influence on editorial policies . Reports published in 2016 and 2018 stated that no progress was made to",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "improve conditions for the full exercise of freedom of expression . In July 2016 , the ruling party organized an exhibition of government-critical press articles and social media posts , labeled as ‘lies’ , saying that they wanted to document wrongful attacks and to prove there is no official censorship . In 2017 , Freedom House reported that Serbia posted one of the largest single-year declines in press freedom among all the countries and territories . Also , they emphasized that Vučić had sought to squeeze critical media out of the market and discredit the few journalists with the funds",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "and fortitude to keep working . Some commentators have described that Vučić built the cult of personality , with the significant role of mass media .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Observers described that during the campaign for the 2017 presidential election , Vučić had ten times more airtime on national broadcasters than all other candidates combined and mainstream media under Vučićs control have been demonizing most of the opposition presidential candidates , without giving them the opportunity to respond . Organizations that observed the elections emphasized that the presence of Vučić in newspaper and the electronic media during the presidential campaign was disproportionate , adding that media have lost their critical role and that they have become a means of political propaganda . The OSCE Report explains that general reluctance",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "of media to report critically on or to challenge the governing authorities , significantly reduced the amount of impartial information available to voters . They also mentioned that the government used public resources to support Vučić . Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported harassment and physical assaults on journalists during the presidential inauguration ceremony , after Vučić win election .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "In 2018 , International Research & Exchanges Board described the situation in the media in Serbia as the worst in recent history , and that Media Sustainability Index dropped because the most polarized media in almost 20 years , an increase in fake news and editorial pressure on media . They also pointed out that the judiciary responds promptly only in cases in which the media allegedly violates the rights of authorities and ruling parties . The increased government control of the media comes as Serbian journalists face more political pressure and intimidation , in 2018 the Independent Association of",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Serbian Journalists recorded the highest number of attacks against journalists in decade . According to Serbian investigative journalism portal Crime and Corruption Reporting Network , more than 700 fake news were published on the front pages of pro-government tabloids during 2018 . Many of them were about alleged attacks on Vućić and attempts of coups , as well as messages of support to him by Vladimir Putin . The best-selling newspaper in Serbia is the pro-government tabloid Informer , which most often presents Vučić as a powerful person under constant attack , and also has anti-European content and pro-war rhetoric",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": ". After Vučić was hospitalized for cardiovascular problems in November 2019 , his associates and pro-regime media accused the journalists of worsening the presidents health by asking questions about alleged corruption by government ministers . The Council of Europe warned that the investigative outlet was target of smear campaign from the state after they caught Vučićs son with members of crime groups , while the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that Vučić pledges to fight the lies .",
"title": "The media"
},
{
"text": "Since Vučićs party came to power , Serbia has seen a surge of internet trolls and pages on social networks praising the government and attacking its critics , free media and the opposition in general . That includes a handful of dedicated employees run fake accounts , but also the Facebook page associated with a Serbian franchise of the far-right Breitbart News website . On 26 March 2020 Twitter announced that they shut down the network of 8,500 spam accounts that wrote 43 million tweets – acted in concert to cheerlead for president Vučić and his party , boost Vučić-aligned",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": "content and attack his opponents .",
"title": "Internet surveillance"
},
{
"text": " Some have compared Vučić to other strongmen in European politics and , as noted above , accused him of being an autocrat . Many believe he has successfully taken over the center ground of Serbian politics . He has built a reputation for technocratic efficiency , ideological flexibility , and political pragmatism while retaining a base of center-right and right-wing electoral support .",
"title": "Public profile"
},
{
"text": "Until 2008 , Vučić was a disciple of the Greater Serbia ideology , which he testified was envisaged as extending to a western border running along the Virovitica–Karlovac–Karlobag line . In 1995 , during the Croatian War of Independence , Vučić said in Glina ( which was at the time controlled by the rebelled Serbs ) that Serbian Krajina and Glina would never be Croatian , Banovina would never be returned to Croatia , and that if Serbian Radical Party had won elections , Serbs would have lived in Greater Serbia . In another speech from the early 2000s ,",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Vučić called Karlobag , Ogulin , Karlovac and Virovitica Serbian towns , stated that they [ SRSs critics ] rejoice that Ustaše ( referring to Croats ) have occupied Serbian lands and want to convince us Serbian radicals that it wasnt Serbian , that we were saying nonsenses . ( ... ) We want whats ours , Serbian . After split from the Serbian Radical Party and creation of the Serbian Progressive Party , Vučić said he no longer supports the Greater Serbia ideology .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " On 1 September 2020 , Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović accused Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro , as well of alleged trying to revive a Greater Serbia policy . Srebrenica massacre and Ratko Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "On 20 July 1995 , commenting on NATO bombing campaign against Army of Republika Srpskas ( VRS ) positions , Vučić said in the National Assembly : for every Serb killed , we will kill 100 Muslims only a few days after the Srebrenica massacre , when more than 8000 Muslim Bosniaks were killed by the VRS and paramilitary groups from Serbia . In 2015 , he said that his statement from 1995 was taken out of context and that was not the essence of that sentence .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "Before splitting away from the Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj , Vučić was openly and publicly celebrating and calling for the protection of Ratko Mladić , a military leader convicted of committing war crimes , crimes against humanity and genocide . In 2007 , while Mladić was still at large in Serbia , Vučić was distributing posters stating Safe house for general Mladić . During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "and shelter Mladić .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": " In the same year Vučić organized a street protest where the signs naming the street after the assassinated pro-west Serbian PM were replaced with the signs effectively renaming the street to Ratko Mladić Boulevard . This has become a frequent occurrence in which Serbian ultra-right factions vandalize same signs on top of the regular signs to celebrate the anniversary of the Zoran Đinđić assassination . Vučić also participated in protests against the arrest of later convicted war criminals Veselin Šljivančanin and Radovan Karadžić , as well as Vojislav Šešelj , then president of his party .",
"title": "Greater Serbia"
},
{
"text": "It was during Vučićs term as the Minister of Information that Slavko Ćuruvija , a prominent journalist who reported on the Kosovo War , was murdered in a state-sponsored assassination . In 1999 , before the assassination took place , Vučić gave a front page interview to the tabloid Argument in which he stated I will have my revenge on Slavko Ćuruvija for all the lies published in Dnevni telegraf ( Ćuruvijas paper ) . In 2014 , Vučić apologized to the Ćuruvija family for having waited so long to bring the perpetrators to justice , and thanked everyone who",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": "was involved in solving the case for their work . Branka Prpa , Ćuruvijas common-law spouse , said Vučić participated in the murder and that he is the creator of the practice of persecution of journalists .",
"title": "Slavko Ćuruvija"
},
{
"text": " At tall , Vučić is one of the tallest world leaders . On 27 July 1997 , Vučić married Ksenija Janković , a journalist at Radio Index and Srpska reč . The couple had two children before divorcing in 2011 . On 14 December 2013 , Vučić married Tamara Đukanović , a diplomat with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia . On 9 June 2017 , a week after Vučić took the presidential office , his wife gave birth to a son .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "During the opposition period , he has frequently appeared in popular TV shows . In 2006 , Vučić became the winner of the first season of the Serbian version of The Pyramid , a talk show with a competitive element broadcast on Pink TV . He was the first politician who participated in the humanitarian dance contest Plesom do snova ( in 2009 ) and the first politician to guest-starred on a late-night talk show Veče sa Ivanom Ivanovićem ( in 2010 ) . He also was a guest judge in one episode of the third season of Zvezde Granda",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": ", the most popular music competition in Balkans .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " On 15 November 2019 , he was hospitalized at a military hospital in Belgrade due to apparent cardiovascular issues . Three days later it was reported that he was released . Some , including his media advisor and the deputy mayor of Belgrade , have claimed that his health problems were in part due to pressure from journalists . Vučić explicitly denied this at media conference shortly after his hospital stay . At the same event , he confirmed the chronic nature of his health problems .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "On 8 April 2020 , it was revealed that Vučićs 22-year-old son , Danilo , had contracted the coronavirus and was admitted to the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Belgrade .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " During July 2020 Vučić became a student at Belgrades College of sports and health , with the goal to become a basketball trainer for juniors after he ends his political career . Some Serbian journalists have reported that a mandatory condition for entering the College was active participation in sports for three years , which was removed from the official website shortly after Vučićs enrollment .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Gold Medal of Merit of the City of Athens - Friends of Zion Award",
"title": "Other"
},
{
"text": " - Aleksandar Vučić profile at the Council of Europe website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/East_London_(bus_company)#P127#0
|
Who owned East London (bus company) before Mar 1990?
|
East London ( bus company ) East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London . History . On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London . Livery . When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced . Garages . East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree . Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and Optare Deltas . Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed . The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 . Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 . History . Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 . When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London . Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 . History . Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 . In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from 1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) . West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit . History . The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre . Former garages . Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract . One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) . History . Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board . On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 . Fleet . As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses . External links . - Stagecoach London website
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London .",
"title": "East London ( bus company )"
},
{
"text": " On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced .",
"title": "Livery"
},
{
"text": " East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "Garages"
},
{
"text": " Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Optare Deltas .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "Former garages"
},
{
"text": " Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses .",
"title": "Fleet"
},
{
"text": " - Stagecoach London website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/East_London_(bus_company)#P127#1
|
Who owned East London (bus company) in early 2000s?
|
East London ( bus company ) East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London . History . On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London . Livery . When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced . Garages . East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree . Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and Optare Deltas . Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed . The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 . Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 . History . Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 . When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London . Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 . History . Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 . In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from 1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) . West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit . History . The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre . Former garages . Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract . One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) . History . Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board . On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 . Fleet . As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses . External links . - Stagecoach London website
|
[
"Stagecoach"
] |
[
{
"text": " East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London .",
"title": "East London ( bus company )"
},
{
"text": " On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced .",
"title": "Livery"
},
{
"text": " East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "Garages"
},
{
"text": " Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Optare Deltas .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "Former garages"
},
{
"text": " Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses .",
"title": "Fleet"
},
{
"text": " - Stagecoach London website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/East_London_(bus_company)#P127#2
|
Who owned East London (bus company) between May 2007 and Apr 2009?
|
East London ( bus company ) East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London . History . On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London . Livery . When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced . Garages . East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree . Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and Optare Deltas . Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed . The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 . Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 . History . Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 . When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London . Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 . History . Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 . In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from 1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) . West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit . History . The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre . Former garages . Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract . One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) . History . Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board . On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 . Fleet . As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses . External links . - Stagecoach London website
|
[
"Macquarie Bank"
] |
[
{
"text": " East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London .",
"title": "East London ( bus company )"
},
{
"text": " On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced .",
"title": "Livery"
},
{
"text": " East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "Garages"
},
{
"text": " Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Optare Deltas .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "Former garages"
},
{
"text": " Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses .",
"title": "Fleet"
},
{
"text": " - Stagecoach London website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/East_London_(bus_company)#P127#3
|
Who owned East London (bus company) after May 2011?
|
East London ( bus company ) East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London . History . On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London . Livery . When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced . Garages . East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree . Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and Optare Deltas . Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle . History . Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed . The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 . Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 . History . Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 . When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London . Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 . History . Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 . In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from 1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) . West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit . History . The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre . Former garages . Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract . One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games . History . Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) . History . Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board . On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 . Fleet . As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses . External links . - Stagecoach London website
|
[
"Stagecoach"
] |
[
{
"text": " East London is a bus company operating in East London . It is a subsidiary brand of Stagecoach London and operates services under contract to Transport for London .",
"title": "East London ( bus company )"
},
{
"text": " On 1 April 1989 , London Buses was divided into 11 separate business units , one of which was East London . In 1994 , it was sold to Stagecoach and renamed Stagecoach East London . In November 2000 Stagecoach consolidated its London operations under the Stagecoach London brand . In August 2006 , Stagecoach sold its London bus operations to Macquarie Bank . The new owner restored the East London name and Thames sailing barge logo . In October 2010 , Stagecoach reacquired its old London operations with East London once again rebranded as Stagecoach London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " When privatised East London had a red livery with a grey skirt . This was replaced by Stagecoachs standard bus livery of a dark blue skirt and orange and light blue swirl at the rear with the standard white replaced by red to conform with a contractual requirements for London buses to be 80% red . After the sale to Macquarie Bank , an all red livery was introduced .",
"title": "Livery"
},
{
"text": " East London operates five bus garages . Barking ( BK ) . As at March 2019 , Barking garage operated routes 62 , 145 , 167 , 169 , 179 , 173 , 362 , 366 and 462 . On 27 August 2017 , route 5 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , route 396 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "Garages"
},
{
"text": " Barking garage was opened in 1924 by the London General Omnibus Company to cater for the increased demand from the new housing estates springing up in Becontree .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Barking is remembered by many enthusiasts as being the last garage to operate AEC Regent III RTs on 7 April 1979 . In 1992 , it was intended to close this garage , along with those at North Street ( Romford ) and Seven Kings , in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath . As it turned out , this super-garage was not built due to the land for it being contaminated , and only Seven Kings closed . Thus , by 1994 , Barking found itself with a scheduled requirement for 109 buses , mainly Titans and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Optare Deltas .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Bow ( BW ) . As at July 2020 , Bow garage operated routes 8 , 25 , 205 , 277 , 425 , N8 , N25 , N205 , N277 . On 27 August 2017 , routes 15 and N15 passed to Blue Triangle .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Opened as a tram depot by the north Metropolitan Tramways Company in 1908 on land once occupied by an asylum , it was converted to operate trolley buses in 1939 . It was converted to motor bus operation in 1959 including the installation of large overground fuel tanks . Shortly after its conversion , it took up the allocation of the nearby Clay Hall garage when that closed .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The garage has had a long association with the AEC Routemaster , receiving its first examples in the early 1960s , some of which remained right up until August 2004 when the type was withdrawn from route 8 . In December 2007 , Bow took over the running of Heritage route 15 from the closed Waterden Road garage until this moved to West Ham in June 2009 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton ( T ) . As at March 2019 , Leyton garage operated routes 55 , 56 , 215 , 257 , 275 , and N55 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton garage was built in 1912 by the London General Omnibus Company to replace an existing garage acquired from London Metropolitan , and was in an ideal position to benefit from developing areas . During the Second World War the garage suffered bomb damage but was not rebuilt until a major renovation in 1955 . The garage was the first to receive post-war AEC Regent III RTs , 78 of which were allocated by 1947 , with a further 30 added for the trolleybus conversion program in 1959 . RT operation at Leyton ended in 1972 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "When the London buses subsidiaries were established , Leyton was taken up by the London Forest subsidiary . In 1991 , plans to close the garage were a contributing factor in strike action by all of the companys staff , which ultimately resulted in the winding-up of London Forest , with Leyton garage passing to East London .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Leyton was the first garage for another bus type in 1999 , when Stagecoach began taking delivery of low-floor Alexander ALX400 bodied Dennis Trident 2s . On 25 February 2017 , the route 48 was transferred to Arriva London . On 14 October 2017 , the route 257 was transferred from Go-Ahead London ( London General ) Romford ( NS ) . As at March 2019 , Romford garage operated routes 86 , 247 , 256 ( Morning Peak ) , 294 , 296 , 365 ( Overnight Only ) , 496 , 498 , 499 and N86 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Romford garage is also called North Street ( hence its NS code ) as London Transport already had a country bus garage : Romford ( London Road ) . It was opened in 1953 to take the strain off nearby Hornchurch garage , and also to cope with the new Harold Hill estate . Built in the post-war style of a London Underground station , it was initially able to house 115 buses , although only 67 were allocated when opened . The allocation grew to 90 by 1958 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1992 , along with Barking and Seven Kings ( which did subsequently close although due to loss of routes by competitive tender ) , the garage was earmarked for closure in favour of a new super-garage at Chadwell Heath , which ultimately was never built . By 1994 , Romford was allocated 84 buses , mainly Leyland Titans . In 2004 the allocation had dropped slightly to 76 , although with a good year of tender wins in 2005 the garage is up to full capacity . The garage was home to East London Coaches private hire operation from",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "1990 to 2005 when the section moved to the now closed Waterden Road garage . On 2 March 2013 Route 86 was partially transferred from this garage to West Ham ( WH ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " West Ham ( WH ) . As at March 2019 , West Ham garage operated routes 15 ( Heritage ) , 97 , 238 , 241 , 323 , 330 , 474 , 549 and D3 . On 27 August 2017 , route 115 passed to Blue Triangle . On 30 March 2019 , routes 262 and 473 passed to Tower Transit .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The present West Ham garage was opened in February 2008 as the replacement for Stratford garage . Whilst construction work was underway , all major engineering work on its buses was carried out at Rainham . The garage became fully operational in November 2009 taking over its own maintenance . The new garage is able to hold over 350 buses . It is the biggest bus garage in England and is the new location for Stagecoach Londons head office and training centre .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Stratford ( SD ) . Stratford garage closed in February 2008 with operations transferred to West Ham to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "Former garages"
},
{
"text": " Stratford garage opened in 1992 . It was a large yard on an old industrial estate by the River Lea , opposite the Hackney garage which was owned by First London . It was originally called Bow Midibus Base because it housed midibuses which had been previously based at Bow and West Ham . It also operated buses with rooftop flashing beacons for the London City Airport contract .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "One vehicle from this garage was destroyed in the London bombings of 7 July 2005 . Thirteen passengers were killed , but the driver of the bus , George Psaradakis , escaped serious injury and was able to return to work a few weeks later . The bus was replaced in October 2005 by the first Alexander Dennis Enviro400 off the production line , which was named Spirit of London and it is now at Rainham",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road ( WA ) . Waterden Road garage closed in December 2007 to allow the site to be redeveloped for the 2012 Olympic Games .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Waterden Road opened early in 2004 with an allocation for approximately 100 buses , mainly articulated Mercedes-Benz Citaros for route 25 . By 2005 , East London had relocated both its training centre and its private hire fleet to this garage . The private hire fleet was disbanded in 2007 . The garage had been open for less than four years when Olympics work forced its closure , the training centre moving to West Ham . Upton Park ( U ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Prior to West Ham being built it was the largest garage in the east end of London ; Upton Park was opened by the LRCC in 1907 but was requisitioned for the war effort in 1915 and was not returned to use until 1919 . In 1931 , it was totally revamped and enlarged to create a capacity of just over 200 buses . In 1988 , the garage operated the X15 Beckton Express using ex-Green Line AEC Routemaster RMCs . The service was a trial , and sold newspapers to commuters on board .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "On 16 September 2011 , Upton Park garage closed . There were no driver redundancies as a result of the garage closure as they were moved with the routes to other locations . The site was sold for redevelopment as social housing by Telford Homes in November 2014 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " As at May 2015 , East London had a peak vehicle requirement of 607 buses .",
"title": "Fleet"
},
{
"text": " - Stagecoach London website",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#0
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for in Jul 2007?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Arsenal"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#1
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for in Jan 2010?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Arsenal"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#2
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for in Jun 2011?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Chesterfield"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#3
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for between Nov 2013 and Dec 2013?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Ascoli"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#4
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for in Jan 2014?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Milton Keynes Dons"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mark_Randall_(footballer)#P54#5
|
Which team did Mark Randall (footballer) play for between Sep 2016 and Oct 2016?
|
Mark Randall ( footballer ) Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy . Early life . Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner . Career . Arsenal . After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match . On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur . Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match . After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song . At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton . Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career . Chesterfield . Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club . He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield . Ascoli . On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match . Milton Keynes Dons . On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times across all competitions . Barnet . On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season . Newport County . On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 . In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent . Crawley Town . On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 . Non-league . Randall joined National League South club Hemel Hempstead Town in March 2019 . Larne . On 1 June 2019 , Randall joined newly promoted NIFL Premiership club Larne . Style of play . Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities . Personal life . In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty . Honours . Chesterfield - Football League Trophy : 2012 Milton Keynes Dons - Football League One runner-up : 2014–15 Larne - County Antrim Shield : 2020-21 External links . - Arsenal.com profile
|
[
"Barnet"
] |
[
{
"text": " Mark Leonard Randall ( born 28 September 1989 ) is an English professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for NIFL Premiership club Larne . Randall spent his formative footballing years at Arsenal where he was touted by manager Arsène Wenger as a key Arsenal player for the future . He was released at the end of his contract in 2011 and subsequently joined Chesterfield , where he won the Football League Trophy .",
"title": "Mark Randall ( footballer )"
},
{
"text": " Born in Milton Keynes , Randall grew up amongst a family of Tottenham Hotspur supporters , but says he is 100% a Gooner .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "After playing youth football for Northampton Town , Randall joined Arsenals academy in 2001 . Randall signed for Arsenal on schoolboy forms and played seven matches in the Premier Reserve League in 2005–06 . Randall was also the only player in the team to play all 18 reserve team fixtures in the 2007–08 season . He played in Dennis Bergkamps testimonial against Ajax Amsterdam in July 2006 , and in the clubs pre-season tour of Austria and the Netherlands . He made his first-team debut as a substitute for Denílson in Arsenals League Cup third-round match against West Bromwich Albion",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "on 24 October 2006 . He also played in Arsenals fourth-round match against Everton on 8 November 2006 , again coming on for Denílson , and was on the bench for their quarter-final against Liverpool , but did not play in that match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "On 8 February 2007 , he signed his first professional contract with Arsenal , and in the summer of 2007 took part in Arsenals annual first-team pre-season training camp in Austria . However , he was out of the side for the first few months of the 2007–08 season after suffering an injury in Arsenal Reserves opening Premier Reserve League match of the season , against Fulham in late August , but made his first start for Arsenal in the League Cup quarter-final against Blackburn Rovers on 18 December 2007 , and also made his second appearance in the competition",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "as a last-minute substitute in the first leg of the semi-finals against Tottenham Hotspur .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall signed for Burnley on loan , on 31 January 2008 , the last day of the transfer window and made 10 league appearances for the Championship club . He returned to Arsenal following the end of the Championship season on 4 May and went on to make his Premier League debut against Sunderland on 11 May in Arsenals final match of the season . He came on as an 81st-minute substitute and having a goal disallowed in the final moments of the match .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "After playing in much of Arsenals pre-season campaign for 2008–09 , Randall made his European debut in Arsenals UEFA Champions League third qualifying round match away to FC Twente on 13 August 2008 , coming on as a substitute for Theo Walcott in the 84th minute . He also played the full 90 minutes in Arsenals 6–0 League Cup third round victory over Sheffield United on 23 September , where he set up Arsenals fifth goal , scored by Jack Wilshere and in the 3–0 win over Wigan Athletic , as well as starting in the defeat to Burnley at",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "the quarter final stage . He made UEFA Champions League debut on 10 December in the 2–0 defeat to F.C . Porto replacing Alexandre Song .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "At the start of the season , a loan was agreed , in principle , for Randall to move to Championship side Derby County on a season-long loan , though the club declined to sign the player after he failed to impress on trial . Randall was involved in Arsenals win over West Bromwich Albion in the League Cup after replacing Francis Coquelin on 58 minutes and indirectly assisted Carlos Vela when his attempted lob from outside the box struck the bar . On 15 January , Randall signed on loan for Milton Keynes Dons until the end of the",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": "season . He scored his first goal for Milton Keynes Dons in the 3–1 Football League Trophy second leg semi final loss to Southampton .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall was once again sent on loan for the 2010–11 season , this time to a League Two side in Rotherham United . After playing just 21 minutes on his Rotherham debut against Southend United , Randall was sidelined with a broken collarbone . This injury kept him out of the team until the New Years Day clash against Port Vale in which Randall scored his only goal for the Millers . At the end of his loan spell he returned to Arsenal where his contract was not renewed , signalling the end of his Arsenal career .",
"title": "Arsenal"
},
{
"text": " Randall completed a move to League Ones Chesterfield on a one-year contract during the summer of 2011 . Upon signing he stated this it was a move in which he intended to use to rebuild his career and fulfil his potential after growing disillusioned with life at Arsenal and disheartening loan spells . Manager John Sheridan stated that Randall possesses great potential that he hopes will be fulfilled at the club .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "He impressed when scoring his first goal and for Chesterfield in a 3–1 win over Notts County on 4 October 2011 in the Football League Trophy . His time at Chesterfield was dogged by niggling injuries , including wrist and shoulder afflictions that interrupted his run in the team . However , in the Football League Trophy Final on 25 March 2012 , he came on as a substitute as Chesterfield defeated Swindon Town 2–0 , setting up the second goal with an incisive pass . He went on to appear in the subsequent games , impressing as Chesterfields form",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": "drastically improved , although by that time relegation was already all-but-confirmed . He was offered a new one-year contract by the club in May 2012 . After failing to agree a new contract with Chesterfield , Randall left the club on 1 July 2013 after his contract expired . Altogether Randall scored 4 goals and was capped a sum of 51 times with Chesterfield .",
"title": "Chesterfield"
},
{
"text": " On 10 September 2013 it was announced that Randall had signed a two-year contract with Italian third-tier side Ascoli . He made his debut on 22 September 2013 versus LAquila . On his first start for the club Randall assisted three goals and was the man of the match .",
"title": "Ascoli"
},
{
"text": "On 8 March 2014 , Milton Keynes Dons announced that Randall had agreed to join the club until the end of the season , subject to international clearance . On 14 March , Randall completed his move to the Dons after receiving international clearance . At the end of the season he signed a further one-year contract , with the option of a further 12 months . His contract was extended until the end of 2015–16 , but he did not play at all for the Dons following their promotion to the Championship . In all he played 17 times",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": "across all competitions .",
"title": "Milton Keynes Dons"
},
{
"text": " On 14 January 2016 , following a mutual decision to terminate his contract with Milton Keynes Dons , Randall joined League Two side Barnet on a contract until the end of the 2015–16 season . He was released at the end of the season .",
"title": "Barnet"
},
{
"text": " On 31 May 2016 , Mark Randall joined Newport County on a two-year deal . He made his debut for Newport on 6 August 2016 versus Mansfield Town . He scored his first goal for Newport , a 55th-minute penalty , in a 3–2 EFL Cup loss against Milton Keynes Dons on 9 August 2016 .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": "In January 2017 , Randall asked to be transferred , stating family reasons . A move in the January transfer window did not happen and Randall was dropped from the match day squad by manager Graham Westley . In March 2017 , Randall returned to the squad under new manager Mike Flynn and played a big part in Countys successful bid to avoid relegation . At the end of the 2016–17 season Randall was again placed on the transfer list at his request . On 28 June 2017 , Randalls contract at Newport was cancelled by mutual consent .",
"title": "Newport County"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 2017 , Randall joined fellow League Two side Crawley Town on a two-year deal . His contract was terminated by mutual consent on 5 February 2019 .",
"title": "Crawley Town"
},
{
"text": " Randall is a midfielder . He plays primarily as a central midfielder but can also play as advanced playmaking midfielder . He is noted for his composure on the ball and his passing abilities .",
"title": "Style of play"
},
{
"text": " In August 2015 , Randall appeared at Amersham Crown Court charged with sexual assault of a female in December 2014 . Randall pleaded not guilty to the charge and on 23 November 2015 he was found not guilty .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Arsenal.com profile",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Kiichi_Miyazawa#P39#0
|
Kiichi Miyazawa took which position between Oct 1982 and Nov 1982?
|
Kiichi Miyazawa Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law . Career . In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II . In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal in 1988 . Prime minister . Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 . His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 . Subsequent career . Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates . Personal life . Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 . Death . Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law .",
"title": "Kiichi Miyazawa"
},
{
"text": " In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in 1988 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": "His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates .",
"title": "Subsequent career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .",
"title": "Death"
}
] |
/wiki/Kiichi_Miyazawa#P39#1
|
Kiichi Miyazawa took which position between Nov 1988 and Dec 1988?
|
Kiichi Miyazawa Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law . Career . In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II . In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal in 1988 . Prime minister . Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 . His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 . Subsequent career . Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates . Personal life . Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 . Death . Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .
|
[
"minister of finance"
] |
[
{
"text": " Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law .",
"title": "Kiichi Miyazawa"
},
{
"text": " In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in 1988 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": "His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates .",
"title": "Subsequent career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .",
"title": "Death"
}
] |
/wiki/Kiichi_Miyazawa#P39#2
|
Kiichi Miyazawa took which position between Mar 1993 and May 1993?
|
Kiichi Miyazawa Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law . Career . In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II . In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal in 1988 . Prime minister . Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 . His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 . Subsequent career . Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates . Personal life . Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 . Death . Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .
|
[
"Prime Minister"
] |
[
{
"text": " Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law .",
"title": "Kiichi Miyazawa"
},
{
"text": " In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in 1988 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": "His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates .",
"title": "Subsequent career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .",
"title": "Death"
}
] |
/wiki/Kiichi_Miyazawa#P39#3
|
Kiichi Miyazawa took which position in Apr 2001?
|
Kiichi Miyazawa Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law . Career . In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II . In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal in 1988 . Prime minister . Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 . His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 . Subsequent career . Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates . Personal life . Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 . Death . Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .
|
[
"finance minister"
] |
[
{
"text": " Early life and education . Miyazawa was born into a wealthy , politically active family in Fukuyama , Hiroshima , on 8 October 1919 . His father was a member of the Diet and his grandfather a cabinet minister . He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University with a degree in law .",
"title": "Kiichi Miyazawa"
},
{
"text": " In 1942 , he joined the ministry of finance , avoiding military service during World War II .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1953 , he was elected to the upper house of the Diet of Japan , where he stayed until moving to the lower house in 1967 . Miyazawa held a number of prominent public positions , including minister of international trade and industry ( 1970–1971 ) , minister of foreign affairs ( 1974–1976 ) , director general of the economic planning agency ( 1977–1978 ) , and chief cabinet secretary ( 1984–1986 ) . He became minister of finance under the government of Noboru Takeshita in July 1986 . However , Miyazawa had to resign amid the Recruit scandal",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in 1988 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa became Prime Minister on 5 November 1991 backed by his faction . Miyazawa gained brief fame in the United States when President George H . W . Bush vomited in his lap and fainted during a state dinner on 8 January 1992 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": "His government passed a law allowing Japan to send its forces overseas for peacekeeping missions as well as negotiating a trade agreement with the United States . It also introduced financial reforms to address the growing economic malaise in Japan in the 1990s . Miyazawa resigned in 1993 after losing a vote of no confidence marking an end to 38 years of Liberal Democratic Party government . The reason for the vote was a scandal involving Fumio Abe , a member of Miyazawas faction . The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in June 1994 .",
"title": "Prime minister"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa later returned to frontbench politics when he was once again appointed finance minister from 1998 to 2001 in the governments of Keizō Obuchi and Yoshirō Mori . In 1998 , Miyazawa replaced Hikaru Matsunaga as finance minister . He served a total 14 terms in both upper and lower houses before retiring from politics in 2003 . The reason for his retirement was that then prime minister Junichiro Koizumi set an age limit of 73 for LDP political candidates .",
"title": "Subsequent career"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa married while studying in the United States . He and his wife , Yoko , had two children : Hiro , an architect , and Keiko , who became wife of diplomat Christopher J . Lafleur . He published a book , entitled Secret Talks Between Tokyo and Washington , which was translated into English by Robert D . Eldridge in 2007 . The book is about Miyazawas views concerning the relationships between the US and Japan in terms of the political , economic , and security-related negotiations during the period of 1949 and 1954 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Miyazawa died in Tokyo at the age of 87 on 28 June 2007 .",
"title": "Death"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#0
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for between Sep 2004 and Nov 2004?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Ipswich Town"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#1
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for between Oct 2005 and Jan 2006?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Charlton Athletic"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#2
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for between Apr 2008 and Oct 2008?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Tottenham Hotspur"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#3
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for in Nov 2009?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Sunderland"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#4
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for in Oct 2012?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Aston Villa"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#5
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for between Sep 2013 and Oct 2013?
|
Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
|
[
"Fulham",
"Brighton & Hove Albion"
] |
[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Darren_Bent#P54#6
|
Which team did Darren Bent play for after Aug 2017?
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Darren Bent Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team . Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently . Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland . Club career . Ipswich Town . Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02 season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division . He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award . Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with 16 goals . He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi . Charlton Athletic . Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club . Tottenham Hotspur . Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on 20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with 36 appearances and 8 goals . Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium . A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches . Sunderland . Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut , which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches . Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year . Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool . Aston Villa . On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with 9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland . In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone . On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club . On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw . Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth . Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship . On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium . Derby County and retirement . After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point . He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option . On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons . He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season . Bent announced his retirement from playing on 25 July 2019 . International career . Youth . Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a 1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 . Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3 goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 . His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 . Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals . Senior . Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 . Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June . Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament . Personal life . Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from drinking alcohol and is a Christian . Honours . Tottenham Hotspur - Football League Cup : 2007–08 ; runner-up : 2008–09 England U15 - Victory Shield : 1999 England U16 - Nordic Cup runner-up : 2000 Individual - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10
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[
{
"text": " Darren Ashley Bent ( born 6 February 1984 ) is an English former professional footballer who played as a striker . He played in the Premier League and Football League for nine clubs , and at senior international level for the England national team .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent started his career with Godmanchester Rovers before being scouted by Ipswich Town . After progressing through their youth system , he made his first-team debut in 2001 . He made 122 appearances and scored 48 goals in the league for Ipswich , before joining Charlton Athletic for a fee of £2.5 million in 2005 . He was Charlton Athletics top goalscorer for two consecutive seasons and joined Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million in 2007 . After two seasons at Tottenham , he joined Sunderland . After a successful 18 months at Sunderland , he joined",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Aston Villa in 2011 . Bent had loans with Fulham , Brighton & Hove Albion and Derby County , and after being released by Villa in 2015 , joined Derby permanently .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": " Bent represented England at under-15 , under-16 , under-19 , under-21 and senior levels . He made 14 appearances and scored 9 goals for the under-21 team after making his debut against Italy in 2003 . He made his debut for the senior England team in 2006 against Uruguay , and went on to make 13 appearances for England , scoring four goals . He scored his first goal on 7 September 2010 in a 3–1 UEFA Euro 2012 qualifying match victory against Switzerland .",
"title": "Darren Bent"
},
{
"text": "Bent progressed through Ipswich Towns youth system , having joined the club at age 14 in 1998 , after considering a possible career in athletics . He signed a professional contract with Ipswich on 2 July 2001 . He made his first-team debut on 1 November 2001 in a 3–1 victory against Helsingborg in the UEFA Cup , and scored his first senior goal in a 4–1 League Cup defeat to Newcastle United on 27 November 2001 . Bent scored his first Premier League goal on 24 April 2002 in a 1–0 win over Middlesbrough . He finished the 2001–02",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "season with seven appearances and two goals in all competitions , and also saw his team Ipswich face relegation into the First Division .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He became a key part of Ipswichs first-team squad during the 2002–03 season . He scored his first goal of the season on 24 August , scoring the equalizing goal in a 1–1 draw with Millwall . On 31 October 2002 he scored the winning goal against Slovan Liberec in the UEFA Cup . On 2 March he scored in a 2–0 win against Norwich City in the East Anglian derby . Bent finished the 2002–03 season with 18 goals , while also winning Ipswichs Young Player of the Year award .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent signed a new contract with Ipswich on 13 June 2003 , signing a deal until June 2006 . He continued to feature regularly during the 2003–04 season . On 16 March , he scored a hat-trick in a 3–1 win over Walsall . Ipswich finished 5th in the league in the 2003–04 season , eventually losing out to West Ham United over two legs in the play-offs , with Bent scoring the winning goal in the first-leg as Ipswich won 1–0 at Portman Road , before losing the second-leg 0–2 . Bent finished the season as Ipswichs top-scorer with",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "16 goals .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": " He once again helped Ipswich challenge for promotion during the following season , continuing his goal scoring form alongside strike partner Shefki Kuqi . Ipswich finished 3rd in the 2004–05 season , narrowly missing out on automatic promotion by two points , before losing out to West Ham United in the play-off semi-finals for the second consecutive season . He finished the season with 20 goals , being the teams joint highest goalscorer along with Shefki Kuqi .",
"title": "Ipswich Town"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a transfer to Charlton Athletic on 1 June 2005 , which was worth an initial fee of £2.5 million , but would have risen to £3 million if he made an agreed number of appearances for Charlton and for England . On the opening day of the 2005–06 Premier League season , Bent scored two goals on his Charlton debut against Sunderland , and was named Premier League Player of the Month for August . He scored in his first four appearances for the club , one of only six players to perform this feat in the Premier",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "League . Bent was the highest scoring Englishman in the Premier League in 2005–06 , with 18 goals ( 22 overall ) , which made him third highest scorer and was given Charltons Player of the Year award . He signed an extension to his contract at Charlton in July , which contracted him until June 2010 . Bent finished 2006–07 with 13 goals in the Premier League , again finishing as Charltons top goalscorer , but was unable to prevent them from being relegated into the Championship after seven successive seasons of Premier League football . Charlton accepted a",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "bid from West Ham United for him in June 2007 , but Bent was not interested in a move to the club .",
"title": "Charlton Athletic"
},
{
"text": "Bent completed a move to Tottenham Hotspur for a club-record fee of £16.5 million on 29 June 2007 , which was to be payable over three years and is inclusive of add-on payments . Ipswich were entitled to 20% of Charltons profit on Bent under a sell-on clause , which gave the club an initial £2.58 million . He scored his first competitive goal for Tottenham in a 4–0 home victory over Derby County in August 2007 . This was followed up by scoring in the 6–1 win over Anorthosis Famagusta in the first round of the UEFA Cup on",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "20 September 2007 . Bent was an unused substitute for the 2008 League Cup Final at Wembley Stadium on 24 February , as Tottenham beat Chelsea 2–1 after extra time . He scored his 100th career goal on 9 March 2008 in the added time of a 4–0 league win over West Ham . He also scored the 100th goal to be scored at White Hart Lane during 2007–08 on 22 March in a 2–0 win over Portsmouth . Bent went on to score one more goal in the 2007–08 season , against Newcastle United , which he finished with",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "36 appearances and 8 goals .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": " Bent scored 12 goals for Tottenham during the 2008–09 pre-season . His first league goal of the season came against Chelsea , which gave his team a 1–1 draw . He scored a header in the second half of Tottenhams UEFA Cup first round match against Wisła Kraków , giving the team a 2–1 victory . On 6 November , in a match against Dinamo Zagreb , Bent scored his first competitive hat-trick for Tottenham . He followed this up with two goals in a 2–1 victory against Manchester City at the City of Manchester Stadium .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "A miss in front of an open goal in the final minutes during a home match against Portsmouth in January 2009 , which cost Tottenham two points , prompted manager Harry Redknapp to claim , You will never get a better chance to win a match than that . My missus could have scored that one . On 31 January , Bent scored two goals in the period of two minutes against Bolton Wanderers at the Reebok Stadium after coming on as a second-half substitute , in a match that eventually finished as a 3–2 defeat . Following the return",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "of striker Robbie Keane at Tottenham , Redknapp assured Bent of his future at the club . He finished the season as Tottenhams top goalscorer with 17 goals in 43 matches .",
"title": "Tottenham Hotspur"
},
{
"text": "Sunderland opened negotiations to sign Bent in July 2009 . The deal seemed delayed and through social networking website Twitter he accused club chairman Daniel Levy of disrupting his move to Sunderland , although Bent later apologised , saying he acted out of frustration . He travelled to Sunderland to sign for the club after they agreed a fee with Tottenham , and after passing a medical , Bent signed for Sunderland on 5 August for an initial fee of £10 million plus potential additional payments , which later rose to £16.5 million . He scored on his Sunderland debut",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": ", which was the only goal in a 1–0 victory against Bolton , and was followed with Sunderlands opening goal against Chelsea in a 3–1 defeat . He scored a brace in the 4–1 win over Hull City to give himself his third and fourth goals in five matches .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored Sunderlands only goal against Burnley at Turf Moor , making the score 1–1 , before losing 3–1 . He scored again in a 5–2 win against Wolverhampton Wanderers , although after the match , Sunderland manager Steve Bruce was left angry at Bents decision to give Sunderlands second penalty kick to teammate Kenwyne Jones , after the latter pleaded with Bent to take the penalty so that he could get on the score sheet . Bent scored in a 1–0 victory against Liverpool on 17 October 2009 when his shot hit a beach ball thrown onto the field",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "by a Liverpool fan and past confused goalkeeper Pepe Reina into the net . He scored his first hat-trick for Sunderland in a 4–0 victory over Bolton on 9 March 2010 . He scored two goals , one a penalty , but missed two other penalties as they were saved by Heurelho Gomes in a 3–1 victory against former club Tottenham on 3 April . Bent finished the 2009–10 season with 25 goals in 40 appearances in all competitions , 24 of which came in the Premier League , amounting to 50% of Sunderlands 48 goals in the league that",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "season . He was named as Sunderlands Player of the Year .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": " Bent made his first appearance of 2010–11 in the opening match , a 2–2 draw with Birmingham City on 14 August and opened the scoring with a penalty in the 24th minute . He scored the winning goal with stoppage time penalty as Sunderland beat Manchester City 1–0 on 29 August . Bent scored the equaliser during stoppage time to earn Sunderland a 1–1 draw against Arsenal on 18 September . He then scored twice in Sunderlands 2–2 draw at Liverpool .",
"title": "Sunderland"
},
{
"text": "On 17 January 2011 , Bent submitted a transfer request , amid reports that Aston Villa had made a club-record £18 million bid for him , which was rejected . Villa then submitted an improved offer of £18 million , potentially rising to £24 million , which was then accepted . The following day , Bent completed his move to Villa and signed a four-and-a-half-year deal . He scored the winning goal on his debut against Manchester City in a 1–0 victory at Villa Park . Bent scored his second Villa goal in his third appearance for his team when",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "he completed the full 90 minutes against Manchester United at Old Trafford in a 3–1 away defeat . Bent scored both of Villas goals in their 2–1 away victory over Arsenal in the penultimate match of the season on 15 May . The first was a nicely crafted volley after he chested down a Kyle Walker chipped pass , with the second coming a few minutes later after a slip from Arsenals Thomas Vermaelen allowed Ashley Young the time to thread a pass through the Gunners defence and Bent to sidefoot home for 2–0 . He finished the season with",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "9 goals in 16 Premier League appearances for Villa , becoming the clubs joint top-scorer with Ashley Young , despite only joining in January . He was also the top English goalscorer in the Premier League and the fourth highest scorer overall that season with 17 goals , eight of which were scored for Sunderland .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "In his first full season with Villa , Bent scored his first goal of the season against Blackburn Rovers in a 3–1 victory on 20 August 2011 . In his first match against former club Sunderland , a 2–2 draw at the Stadium of Light on 29 October 2011 , every time he received a touch on the ball , he was booed by the home support . Bent then suffered an injury during the match against Bolton and was out for the next few matches as a result . Bent caused controversy when a fan posted a picture and",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "claimed the striker was out shopping while his teammates were losing 2–0 to Liverpool . It was later revealed Bent had been sent home to recover from his injury and afterwards he apologised to the Villa fans for his actions . After apologising , Villa manager Alex McLeish reacted angrily to the conspiracy theory over Bents absence for Villa . This led to Bent having to deny a fall-out with McLeish . Bent made his return as a 78th-minute substitute in the match against Chelsea on 31 December 2011 , scoring the third goal to seal a 3–1 win at",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Stamford Bridge . After not scoring in the next two matches , Bent went on a run by scoring in the next four matches for Villa , including his first FA Cup goal in a Villa shirt on 29 January 2012 , against Arsenal in an eventual 3–2 defeat . Three days later , Bent scored his 100th Premier League goal as Villa came from behind to earn a 2–2 home draw against Queens Park Rangers . He was the 21st player to reach the milestone .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 25 February 2012 , in a match against Wigan Athletic , Bent landed awkwardly on his ankle after tangling with Antolín Alcaraz . He was stretchered off the pitch with what was thought to be a serious injury . This was confirmed two days later , after Bent had a scan on his ankle that revealed he had ruptured ligaments . He was out for three months which effectively ended his season with Villa and most likely his chance to play at UEFA Euro 2012 . Bent had recovered from his injury by mid-May and was in contention for",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Villas final match of 2011–12 against Norwich City but was ultimately left out . This also gave him the possibility of making new England manager Roy Hodgsons Euro 2012 England squad . Bent vowed to prove his fitness to Hodgson , in the hope he would be selected to play in the tournament . Bent once again finished as Villas top scorer with 10 goals in 25 appearances and vowed to stay on at the club .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 28 August , Bent scored his first goal of 2012–13 in a 3–0 victory over League One team Tranmere Rovers in the second round of the League Cup , his first goal for Villa since February 2012 . Bent lost the Villa captaincy to Ron Vlaar , after the Dutchman was appointed captain for the 2–0 victory against Swansea City on 15 September 2012 and thereafter . He scored his first league goal of the season on 22 September , in a 4–1 defeat away to Southampton . Bent then lost his starting place for the next league match",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "against West Bromwich Albion , after the performances of Gabriel Agbonlahor and Christian Benteke during the midweek League Cup victory over Manchester City saw the pair start up front . However , after coming on for Benteke as a 68th-minute substitute , Bent followed up his goal against Southampton by grabbing the equaliser in a 1–1 draw .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent joined Villas Premier League rivals Fulham on a season-long loan on 16 August 2013 . He scored his first goal for Fulham on 24 August 2013 on his debut , 18 minutes after replacing Damien Duff in a 3–1 defeat at home to London rivals Arsenal . On 24 September , only three minutes after coming on for Adel Taarabt , he scored the winner in a 2–1 home win over Everton in the third round of the League Cup . Again as a late substitute , this time for Dimitar Berbatov , he scored the only goal in",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Fulhams home league win over Stoke City on 5 October , taking control of Pajtim Kasamis shot and cutting past Robert Huth .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": " Despite scoring in the first match and replay against Norwich City in the third round of the FA Cup , Bent went 13 league matches without scoring before an added-time equaliser at Old Trafford to gain a 2–2 draw against Manchester United on 9 February after replacing Muamer Tanković at half-time . He finished his loan with 6 goals in 30 matches , and Fulham were relegated into the Championship .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 November 2014 , Bent joined Brighton & Hove Albion on a one-month loan . Three days later , he scored on his debut for the Championship club , opening a 2–1 defeat to his former employers Fulham at Falmer Stadium .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "After two goals in five appearances for Brighton , Bent was loaned to another Championship club , Derby County , on 2 January 2015 . He was signed by his former international manager Steve McClaren on a deal lasting until the end of the season . With his fourth goal in five matches , he equalised in a 2–2 draw away to then league leaders AFC Bournemouth on 10 February 2015 . Bent scored 12 goals from 17 appearances as Derby finished in eighth place in the Championship table , missing out on a play-off place by one point .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "He was released by Aston Villa on 8 June 2015 , ahead of a permanent transfer to Derby on a two-year contract , with a one-year option .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "On 26 January 2018 , Bent joined fellow Championship side Burton Albion on loan for the remainder of the 2017–18 season . He was yet to make a first team appearance for Derby during the 2017–18 season after suffering a pre-season hamstring injury . He scored his first goal for Burton in a 3–1 loss away to Cardiff City on 30 March 2018 . On 21 April 2018 Bent scored a goal against his former club Sunderland as Burton came from a goal down to win 2–1 and condemn the former club to their second relegation in as many seasons",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": ". He was released by Derby at the end of the 2017–18 season .",
"title": "Aston Villa"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his debut for the England national under-15 team on 15 October 1999 as an 85th-minute substitute in a 2–1 win over Northern Ireland in the teams opening match at the 1999 Victory Shield . He started the following match on 28 October 1999 , scoring in the third minute as England beat Wales 3–1 . He played in all three matches , scoring once , as England won the tournament , topping the table with nine points . Bent represented the under-15s at the 2000 Ballymena Tournament , starting in their first match on 24 April , a",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "1–0 defeat to Switzerland . The following day , he scored Englands four goals in their 4–0 win over Finland . Bent scored in Englands 3–2 win over Belgium on 29 April 2000 in the seventh-place match . He finished his under-15 career with seven goals in eight appearances from 1999 to 2000 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bent made his under-16 debut on 31 July in their opening match at the 2000 Nordic Cup , coming on as a substitute as England beat Finland 2–1 . He scored in the 52nd minute of Englands 3–0 win over the Faroe Islands on 3 August 2000 , before starting in the final the following day , in which England were beaten 3–0 by Sweden . Bent represented England at the 2001 Algarve Tournament , appearing as a substitute in the teams three matches as they were eliminated at the group stage . He made 11 appearances and scored 3",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "goals for the under-16s from 2000 to 2001 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " His debut for the under-19 team came on 14 February 2002 when starting against Germany in a friendly , scoring two goals in a 3–1 victory . Bent scored in the 33rd minute of a 1–1 draw with Lithuania on 17 April 2002 in the 2002 UEFA European Under-19 Championship qualification intermediary round first leg , with a 2–1 win in the second leg securing Englands qualification for the tournament . He finished his time with the under-19s with three appearances , scoring three goals , in 2002 .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "Bents first appearance for the under-21 team came on 11 February 2003 as a 71st-minute substitute against Italy in a friendly , which England lost 1–0 . His first goal came on his second appearance on 2 June 2003 , with an 87th-minute winner in a 3–2 win over Serbia and Montenegro in a friendly . He played in both legs of Englands 3–2 aggregate defeat to France in the 2006 UEFA European Under-21 Championship qualification play-offs , and scored in the 55th minute of the 2–1 defeat on 15 November 2005 in the second leg . This was his",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": "last appearance for the under-21s , finishing his time with them with 14 appearances and 9 goals .",
"title": "Youth"
},
{
"text": " Bent received his first call up to the senior England team for the friendly against Denmark on 17 August 2005 , but did not play in the match . His England debut eventually came on 1 March 2006 , when he started against Uruguay at Anfield in a pre-2006 FIFA World Cup friendly match . He was not included in Englands World Cup squad when it was announced in May 2006 .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Despite having played for the senior team , Bent was recalled to the under-21 squad for their October 2006 qualification play-offs against Germany . Later that month , he was recalled to the senior squad due to an injury to Andrew Johnson shortly after the squads announcement . He was called to the England squad for a UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier against Croatia in November 2007 . He came on as an 80th-minute substitute as England lost 3–2 and failed to qualify for the tournament . He was called up to the team for a 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifier",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "against Ukraine in March 2009 following an injury to striker Carlton Cole . He made his second start for England in a 1–0 friendly defeat to Brazil on 14 November 2009 . Bent was named in Englands preliminary 30-man squad for the 2010 World Cup on 11 May 2010 , although he was eventually omitted from the final 23-man squad on 1 June .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent scored his first international goal in Englands 3–1 away win over Switzerland after appearing as a substitute for Jermain Defoe in a Euro 2012 qualifier on 7 September 2010 . Then-England manager Fabio Capello stated he had been impressed with the improvement in Bents all-round game since his World Cup omission and selected him in the starting 11 for Englands friendly with Denmark , where he scored a tap-in from a Theo Walcott cross . Bent retained his place for Englands Euro 2012 qualifier with Wales to make his first competitive international start on 26 March 2011 . In",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "scoring Englands second goal , he took his tally to three goals in his last three matches . Bent recovered from injury in time but was left out of the final 23-man squad for Euro 2012 as then-England manager Roy Hodgson felt Bent would not be fit enough to appear at the tournament .",
"title": "Senior"
},
{
"text": "Bent was born in Tooting , Greater London , to a family of Jamaican descent . His father , Mervyn Bent , was a player in the youth systems of Wimbledon and Brentford . He moved to Huntingdon , Cambridgeshire at age ten and attended Hinchingbrooke school and played for the Godmanchester Rovers youth system . Bent is a supporter of Arsenal and used to have a season ticket at Highbury . He was handed a formal caution by police in June 2004 after he was alleged to have shot a 12-year-old with a pellet gun . Bent refrains from",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "drinking alcohol and is a Christian .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Ipswich Town Young Player of the Year : 2002–03 - Premier League Player of the Month : August 2005 - Charlton Athletic Player of the Year : 2005–06 - Sunderland Player of the Year : 2009–10",
"title": "Individual"
}
] |
/wiki/Tobolsk#P17#0
|
Which country did Tobolsk belong to between Apr 1721 and Jul 1721?
|
Tobolsk Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population : History . Conquest of Khanate of Sibir . In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out retaliation attacks against the Cossacks . After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region . Founding of Tobolsk and Imperial Russian era . Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and it was used as a base for further exploration eastward . The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south . In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk . In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south . In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants . Soviet era . In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in July 1918 , together with several of their retainers . Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast . A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour . Recent history . On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma . In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia . Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug . Economy . The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved . Climate . Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year . Demographics . Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1% Main sights . Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 . The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some of which date back to the 10th century BCE . The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered . Notable people . - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States Further reading . - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 . External links . - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population :",
"title": "Tobolsk"
},
{
"text": "In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "retaliation attacks against the Cossacks .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "it was used as a base for further exploration eastward .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "July 1918 , together with several of their retainers .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": "In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year .",
"title": "Climate"
},
{
"text": " Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1%",
"title": "Demographics"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "of which date back to the 10th century BCE .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States",
"title": "Notable people"
},
{
"text": " - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 .",
"title": "Further reading"
},
{
"text": " - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Tobolsk#P17#1
|
Which country did Tobolsk belong to between Sep 1808 and Sep 1814?
|
Tobolsk Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population : History . Conquest of Khanate of Sibir . In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out retaliation attacks against the Cossacks . After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region . Founding of Tobolsk and Imperial Russian era . Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and it was used as a base for further exploration eastward . The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south . In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk . In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south . In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants . Soviet era . In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in July 1918 , together with several of their retainers . Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast . A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour . Recent history . On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma . In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia . Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug . Economy . The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved . Climate . Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year . Demographics . Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1% Main sights . Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 . The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some of which date back to the 10th century BCE . The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered . Notable people . - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States Further reading . - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 . External links . - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital
|
[
"Russian Empire"
] |
[
{
"text": " Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population :",
"title": "Tobolsk"
},
{
"text": "In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "retaliation attacks against the Cossacks .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "it was used as a base for further exploration eastward .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "July 1918 , together with several of their retainers .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": "In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year .",
"title": "Climate"
},
{
"text": " Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1%",
"title": "Demographics"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "of which date back to the 10th century BCE .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States",
"title": "Notable people"
},
{
"text": " - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 .",
"title": "Further reading"
},
{
"text": " - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Tobolsk#P17#2
|
Which country did Tobolsk belong to between Oct 1918 and Nov 1920?
|
Tobolsk Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population : History . Conquest of Khanate of Sibir . In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out retaliation attacks against the Cossacks . After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region . Founding of Tobolsk and Imperial Russian era . Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and it was used as a base for further exploration eastward . The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south . In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk . In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south . In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants . Soviet era . In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in July 1918 , together with several of their retainers . Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast . A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour . Recent history . On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma . In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia . Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug . Economy . The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved . Climate . Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year . Demographics . Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1% Main sights . Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 . The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some of which date back to the 10th century BCE . The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered . Notable people . - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States Further reading . - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 . External links . - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital
|
[
"Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic"
] |
[
{
"text": " Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population :",
"title": "Tobolsk"
},
{
"text": "In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "retaliation attacks against the Cossacks .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "it was used as a base for further exploration eastward .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "July 1918 , together with several of their retainers .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": "In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year .",
"title": "Climate"
},
{
"text": " Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1%",
"title": "Demographics"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "of which date back to the 10th century BCE .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States",
"title": "Notable people"
},
{
"text": " - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 .",
"title": "Further reading"
},
{
"text": " - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Tobolsk#P17#3
|
Which country did Tobolsk belong to in late 1920s?
|
Tobolsk Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population : History . Conquest of Khanate of Sibir . In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out retaliation attacks against the Cossacks . After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region . Founding of Tobolsk and Imperial Russian era . Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and it was used as a base for further exploration eastward . The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south . In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk . In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south . In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants . Soviet era . In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in July 1918 , together with several of their retainers . Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast . A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour . Recent history . On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma . In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia . Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug . Economy . The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved . Climate . Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year . Demographics . Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1% Main sights . Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 . The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some of which date back to the 10th century BCE . The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered . Notable people . - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States Further reading . - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 . External links . - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population :",
"title": "Tobolsk"
},
{
"text": "In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "retaliation attacks against the Cossacks .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "it was used as a base for further exploration eastward .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "July 1918 , together with several of their retainers .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": "In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year .",
"title": "Climate"
},
{
"text": " Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1%",
"title": "Demographics"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "of which date back to the 10th century BCE .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States",
"title": "Notable people"
},
{
"text": " - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 .",
"title": "Further reading"
},
{
"text": " - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Tobolsk#P17#4
|
Which country did Tobolsk belong to in Apr 1992?
|
Tobolsk Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population : History . Conquest of Khanate of Sibir . In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out retaliation attacks against the Cossacks . After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region . Founding of Tobolsk and Imperial Russian era . Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and it was used as a base for further exploration eastward . The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south . In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk . In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south . In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants . Soviet era . In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in July 1918 , together with several of their retainers . Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast . A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour . Recent history . On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma . In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia . Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug . Economy . The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved . Climate . Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year . Demographics . Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1% Main sights . Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 . The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some of which date back to the 10th century BCE . The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered . Notable people . - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States Further reading . - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 . External links . - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital
|
[
"Russia"
] |
[
{
"text": " Tobolsk ( , ) is a town in Tyumen Oblast , Russia , located at the confluence of the Tobol and Irtysh rivers . Founded in 1590 , Tobolsk is the second-oldest Russian settlement east of the Ural Mountains in Asian Russia , and is a historic capital of the Siberia region . Population :",
"title": "Tobolsk"
},
{
"text": "In 1580 , a group of Yermak Timofeyevichs Cossacks initiated the Russian conquest of Siberia , pushing eastwards on behalf of the Tsardom of Russia . They attacked the Vogul ( Mansi ) and Ostyak ( Khanty ) peoples in Yugra , and had also captured a tax collector of Kuchum Khan , the king of the large Tatar Khanate of Sibir , the most powerful force in the western Siberia region on the eastern side of the Ural Mountains . At the time the Voguls and Ostyaks were subjects of Kuchum , and in response the Tatars carried out",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "retaliation attacks against the Cossacks .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a year of Tatar attacks , Yermak prepared for the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir and a campaign to take the Khanates capital city , Qashliq . The Cossacks conquered the city on 26 October 1582 , sending Kuchum into retreat . Despite the conquest , Kuchum regrouped his remaining forces and formed a new army , launching a surprise attack on 6 August 1584 , killing Yermak . There were a series of battles over Qashliq , and it passed between Tatar and Cossack control , before the city was finally abandoned in 1588 . Kuchum was",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "eventually defeated by the Cossacks in 1598 at the Battle of Urmin near the River Ob , ending the Khanate of Sibir . The Russians had established control over the western Siberia region .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Tobolsk was founded in 1590 by a group of Yermaks Cossacks under the command of near the ruins of Qashliq . It had been almost totally destroyed by years of fighting . Tobolsk would become the center of the conquest . To the north Beryozovo ( 1593 ) and Mangazeya ( 1600-01 ) were built to bring the Nenets under tribute , while to the east Surgut ( 1594 ) and Tara ( 1594 ) were established to protect Tobolsk and subdue the ruler of the Narym Ostiaks . Of these settlements , Mangazeya was the most prominent , and",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "it was used as a base for further exploration eastward .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " The new city of Tobolsk was the second Russian town founded in Siberia after Tyumen , and was named after the Tobol River . It was situated at its confluence with the Irtysh River , where the Irtysh turns from flowing westward to flowing northward . Tobolsk quickly grew based on the importance of the Siberian river routes , and prospered on trade with China to the east and with Bukhara to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1708 , Tobolsk was designated as the capital of the newly established Siberia Governorate ; the first school , theater , and newspaper in Siberia were founded here . During the Great Northern War , soldiers of the defeated Swedish army at Battle of Poltava in 1709 were sent in large numbers as prisoners of war to Tobolsk . The Swedes numbered about 25% of the total population and were popular among locals for their contributions to the city . A building of the Tobolsk Kremlin was named the Swedish Chamber in their honor . Many of them were",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "not repatriated until the 1720s , while some of them settled permanently in Tobolsk .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1719 , Russian authorities began administrative reforms that resulted in Tobolsks political importance declining as the Siberia Governorates massive territory was gradually decentralized . New provinces were organized or territory was transferred to other governorates . By 1782 , Siberia Governorate was abolished and its remaining area split into two viceroyalties , with Tobolsk becoming the capital of the Tobolsk Viceroyalty . In 1796 , Tobolsk became the capital of Tobolsk Governorate , and remained the seat of the Governor-General of Western Siberia until the seat was moved to Omsk in the 1820s or 1830s . Acknowledging the authority",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Tobolsk , many Western Siberian towns including Omsk , Tyumen , and Tomsk , had their original coat of arms display the Tobolsk insignia , which Omsk continues to honor . After the Decembrist Revolt in 1825 , some of the Decembrists deported to Siberia settled in Tobolsk . In the 1890s the importance of Tobolsk declined further after the Trans-Siberian Railway line between Tyumen and Omsk bypassed the city to the south .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the early 1900s Tobolsk was noted as the administrative center of home province of Grigori Rasputin , a faith healer who had great influence with the Romanov Imperial Family . It is located close to his birthplace Pokrovskoye . The town was also famous for confectionery companies run by Karelian immigrants .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In March 1917 , the February Revolution forced the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II , ending the Russian Empire . In August the new Provisional Government evacuated the imperial family and their retinue to Tobolsk to live in the former house of the Governor-General . With the October Revolution three months later , the Russian Civil War began , and the Bolsheviks quickly came to power in Tobolsk . After troops of the opposing White Army approached the city in the spring of 1918 , the Bolsheviks moved the imperial family west to Yekaterinburg . They were executed there in",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "July 1918 , together with several of their retainers .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "Following the Bolshevik victory and the formation of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic , administrative reforms in 1920 resulted in the abolition of Tobolsk Governorate and the end of 218 years of Tobolsk serving as a provincial capital . Instead , the city became the administrative center of its own uyezd ( county ) , Tobolsky District , in the new Tyumen Province . From 1921 to 1922 , Tobolsk was a site of massive anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings across Western Siberia by peasants associated with the Green Army . On November 3 , 1923 , the city became part",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": "of Ural Oblast ; on January 7 , 1932 , it was transferred to Omsk Oblast . From January 17 , 1934 , the city was part of Obsko-Irtysh Oblast , until it was abolished on December 7 that year and transferred to Omsk Oblast . On August 14 , 1944 , Tobolsk was transferred to Tyumen Oblast .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " A 2004 American book said a 1982 explosion in Toblosk was caused by CIA sabotage . A former KGB officer said that the explosion was caused by improper installation . On July 10 , 1987 , by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR , the city of Tobolsk was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honour .",
"title": "Soviet era"
},
{
"text": " On November 4 , 1996 , Tobolsk became an independent city with town status when it was separated from Tobolsky District by the Tyumen Oblast Duma .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": "In 2013 , Tobolsk-Polymer opened the largest polypropylene production facility in Russia as part of an initiative to create a large petrochemical complex in the city . Tobolsk has also become a popular location for tourism in Siberia due to its historical importance , architecture , and natural landscapes . It is an important educational center of the Russian Orthodox Church , and the seat of Tobolsk Diocese , the first Orthodox diocese in Siberia .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " Administrative and municipal status . Within the framework of administrative divisions , Tobolsk serves as the administrative center of Tobolsky District , even though it is not a part of it . As an administrative division , it is , together with one urban-type settlement , incorporated separately as the Town of Tobolsk—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts . As a municipal division , the Town of Tobolsk is incorporated as Tobolsk Urban Okrug .",
"title": "Recent history"
},
{
"text": " The economy of modern Tobolsk centers on a major oil refinery and the petrochemical industry . Some traditional crafts , such as bone-carving , are also preserved .",
"title": "Economy"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk has a humid continental climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfb ) bordering on a subarctic climate ( Köppen climate classification Dfc ) . Winters are very cold with average temperatures from to in January , while summers are mild with average temperatures from . Precipitation is moderate and is somewhat higher in summer than at other times of the year .",
"title": "Climate"
},
{
"text": " Ethnic composition ( 2010 ) : : - Russians – 76.4% - Tatars – 16.8% - Ukrainians – 1.9% - Azerbaijanis – 0.8% - Others – 4.1%",
"title": "Demographics"
},
{
"text": " Tobolsk is the only town in Siberia and one of the few in Russia which has a standing stone kremlin ( Tobolsk Kremlin ) : an elaborate city-fortress from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries . Its white walls and towers with an ensemble of churches and palatial buildings spectacularly sited on a high river bank were proclaimed a national historical and architectural treasure in 1870 .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "The principal monuments in the kremlin are the Cathedral of St . Sophia ( 1683–1686 ) , a merchant courtyard ( 1703–1705 ) , an episcopal palace ( 1773–1775 ; now a museum of local lore ) , and the so-called Swedish Chamber , with six baroque halls ( 1713–1716 ) . The town contains some remarkable baroque and Neoclassical churches from the 18th and 19th centuries . Also noteworthy is a granite monument to Yermak , constructed to a design by Alexander Brullov in 1839 . The towns vicinity is rich in ancient kurgans and pagan shrines , some",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": "of which date back to the 10th century BCE .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " The Governors Mansion , built in 1790 , is a historical monument protected by the Russian federal government . It is built in the architectural style of classicism and one of the first stone buildings built in the city . It is best known as having housed the last Tsar , Nicholas II , and his family after he abdicated the throne they were sent to exile by the Bolsheviks . The family was later moved to Yekaterinburg where they were later slaughtered .",
"title": "Main sights"
},
{
"text": " - Alexander Alyabyev , composer - Juraj Križanić , pan-Slavist linguist - , linguist - Dmitri Mendeleev , chemist - Vasily Perov , painter - Alexander Zakin , pianist - Nikolai Nikitin , designer - Semyon Remezov , geographer - Pyotr Pavlovich Yershov , writer Twin towns and sister cities . Tobolsk is twinned with : - Council Bluffs , Iowa , United States",
"title": "Notable people"
},
{
"text": " - Brumfield , William . Tobolsk : Architectural Heritage in Photographs . Moscow : Tri Kvadrata , 2006 .",
"title": "Further reading"
},
{
"text": " - Official website of Tobolsk - Official website of Tobolsk Town Administration - Tobolsk : Siberias first capital",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Peter_Frank_Stott#P108#0
|
What was the name of the employer Peter Frank Stott work for before Nov 1964?
|
Peter Frank Stott Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 . Career . Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 . Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller . In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers . Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 . Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations . Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background . Personal life . Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .
|
[
"London County Council"
] |
[
{
"text": "Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 .",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": ". Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .",
"title": "Personal life"
}
] |
/wiki/Peter_Frank_Stott#P108#1
|
What was the name of the employer Peter Frank Stott work for in Nov 1971?
|
Peter Frank Stott Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 . Career . Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 . Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller . In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers . Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 . Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations . Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background . Personal life . Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .
|
[
"Greater London Council"
] |
[
{
"text": "Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 .",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": ". Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .",
"title": "Personal life"
}
] |
/wiki/Peter_Frank_Stott#P108#2
|
What was the name of the employer Peter Frank Stott work for in Apr 1988?
|
Peter Frank Stott Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 . Career . Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 . Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller . In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers . Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 . Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations . Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background . Personal life . Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .
|
[
"Kings College London"
] |
[
{
"text": "Peter Frank Stott CBE ( 8 August 1927 – 16 August 1993 ) was a British civil engineer . Specialising in prestressed concrete , he designed several bridges in Australia . Stotts work on the Hammersmith flyover brought him to the attention of the London County Council where he was appointed deputy chief engineer . He subsequently became chief engineer and was appointed Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He became one of the first joint controllers at the council when the planning department became part of his remit . Stott left",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "the council to become Director-General of the National Water Council . He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1978 and in 1983 became a professor at Kings College London . Stott wrote a 1987 report on the use of open level crossings on the rail network that led to a significant change in British Rail policy and served as president of the Institution of Civil Engineers for 1989–90 .",
"title": "Peter Frank Stott"
},
{
"text": "Stott was born in London on 8 August 1927 . He worked as a structural engineer and by the age of 28 was made a partner in the firm of Guy Maunsell . Stott was an expert in the use of prestressed concrete and designed the Kings Avenue Bridges in Canberra , Gladesville Bridge in Sydney , Tasman Bridge near Hobart and the Narrows Bridge in Perth – all in Australia . After he completed the design of the Hammersmith flyover for London County Council ( LCC ) he was appointed deputy chief engineer by the LCC in 1963 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott had particular responsibility for the councils road network before becoming chief engineer upon the death of Francis Fuller .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1965 Stott was made Director of Highways and Transportation upon the creation of the Greater London Council . He brought in experts from the United States , offering greatly increased salaries to attract the best candidates , a system that helped increase the salaries for engineers across the UK . Stotts eight years as director saw the construction of Londons first motorways and the extension of computerised control to two thirds of the citys signalised junctions . His role expanded in 1969 when he assumed control of the planning department , becoming one of the councils first joint controllers",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": ". Stott served as president of the Reinforced Concrete Association in 1964 , of the Concrete Society in 1967 and of the Institute of Highway Engineers in 1971 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Stott left the London Council in 1973 to take up the post of Director-General of the newly founded National Water Council , a position he held for ten years until the body was dissolved . In this period he was also Secretary General of the International Water Supply Association . In 1978 Stott was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the Queens Birthday Honours of 3 June . Between 1983 and 1989 Stott was Nash Professor of Civil Engineering at Kings College London . Stott was commissioned by the British government to write a report",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "into the use of open ( unguarded ) level crossings on the British Rail network following the Lockington rail crash in which a passenger train collided with a van on a level crossing resulting in the deaths of nine people . Stotts report was published in August 1987 and led to a significant change in British Rail policy and the installation of barriers or reduction of train speeds at 75 locations .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott was appointed chairman of the Quality Scheme for Ready Mixed Concrete in 1989 . He served three terms on the council of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was its president between November 1989 and November 1990 . Stotts portrait at the institution shows the Hammersmith Flyover in the background .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Stott married Vera Watkins in 1953 and the couple had two sons . Stott died in Truro , Cornwall , on 16 August 1993 .",
"title": "Personal life"
}
] |
/wiki/Tomislav_Sunić#P108#0
|
Who did Tomislav Sunić work for before Aug 1987?
|
Tomislav Sunić Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist . Biography . Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen . His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) . Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 . In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA . Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer . Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite , is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists . Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism . Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review . Speaking appearances . Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration . In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought . Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) . Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) . A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia . Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 . Radio programme . From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 . Political affiliation . Sunić sits on the board of directors of the American Freedom Party . Books . - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 ) - Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 ) - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist .",
"title": "Tomislav Sunić"
},
{
"text": " Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite ,",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 .",
"title": "Radio programme"
},
{
"text": " - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": "- Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": " - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )",
"title": "Books"
}
] |
/wiki/Tomislav_Sunić#P108#1
|
Who did Tomislav Sunić work for between Feb 1992 and Jul 1992?
|
Tomislav Sunić Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist . Biography . Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen . His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) . Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 . In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA . Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer . Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite , is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists . Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism . Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review . Speaking appearances . Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration . In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought . Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) . Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) . A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia . Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 . Radio programme . From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 . Political affiliation . Sunić sits on the board of directors of the American Freedom Party . Books . - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 ) - Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 ) - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )
|
[
"California State University"
] |
[
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist .",
"title": "Tomislav Sunić"
},
{
"text": " Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite ,",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 .",
"title": "Radio programme"
},
{
"text": " - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": "- Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": " - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )",
"title": "Books"
}
] |
/wiki/Tomislav_Sunić#P108#2
|
Who did Tomislav Sunić work for after Aug 2000?
|
Tomislav Sunić Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist . Biography . Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen . His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) . Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 . In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA . Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer . Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite , is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists . Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism . Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review . Speaking appearances . Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration . In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought . Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) . Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) . A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia . Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 . Radio programme . From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 . Political affiliation . Sunić sits on the board of directors of the American Freedom Party . Books . - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 ) - Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 ) - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić ( born February 3 , 1953 ) , sometimes known as Tom Sunic , is a Croatian-American translator , far-right activist and a former professor . His views are often cited as part of the European New Right . The Southern Poverty Law Center describes Sunić as a white nationalist .",
"title": "Tomislav Sunić"
},
{
"text": " Sunić was born in Zagreb , SFR Yugoslavia ( present-day Zagreb , Republic of Croatia ) in 1953 to a Croatian Catholic family . He is a naturalized United States citizen .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "His father , Mirko Sunić ( 1915–2008 ) was a lawyer in communist Yugoslavia , who , along with Tomislavs sister , Mirna Sunić , were prisoners of conscience . The two were charged with creating hostile propaganda , under Article 133 of the Yugoslav Criminal Code , and the court sentenced them to 4 and 1 years of prison respectively . Mirko Sunić was championed by Amnesty International and 15 United States congressmen in 1985 ) , Mirko Sunić authored , in 1996 , Moji inkriminirani zapisi ( My incriminating records ) .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Tomislav Sunić studied French and English Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb until 1978 . From 1980 to 1982 he worked in Algeria as an interpreter for the Yugoslav-Croatian construction company Ingra . He emigrated to the United States , where he received a masters degree at California State University , Sacramento in 1985 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In June 1987 , at the invitation of Freedom House , Sunić and Mate Meštrović , along with twelve other émigré academics and dissidents from different Yugoslav constituent republics , were invited to discuss the political crisis in Yugoslavia . Sunić , who participated in the discussion , gave a short speech on Communist repression in Yugoslavia and what he described as the activities of the Yugoslav secret police , the UDBA .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Tomislav Sunić received a doctorate in political science in 1988 from the University of California , Santa Barbara . During his graduate studies he lobbied for Croatian prisoners in Yugoslavia and wrote for the émigré Croat London-based biweekly Nova Hrvatska and the Madrid-based Croat literary quarterly Hrvatska Revija ( Revista Croata ) . From 1988-93 , he taught at California State University , the University of California , and Juniata College ( Pennsylvania ) . From 1993-2001 , he served in various diplomatic positions with the Croatian government in Zagreb , London , Copenhagen , and Brussels . He taught",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the Anglo-American College in Prague , and currently resides in Zagreb , where he works as a freelance writer .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunićs books and views can be described as being in the style of the GRECE , a school of thought by Alain de Benoist , who wrote a preface to Sunićs book and whose articles Sunić often translates into English . Sunić has widely written , translated and lectured in English , German , French and Croatian on many authors , novelists and political thinkers who can be called the predecessors of the European New Right ( such as Southern Agrarians , Emile Cioran , Ernst Jünger and Louis-Ferdinand Céline ) The European New Right , or Nouvelle Droite ,",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "is a name for various forms of conservative , right-wing , or dissident cultural movements and political groupings which emerged in opposition to the liberal and leftist academic milieu of the mid- to late-20th century . Critics have argued that de Benoist has developed a novel cultural fascism and have depicted the advocates of Sunićs school of thought as literary fascists .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Kevin B . MacDonald , an evolutionary psychologist who has been characterized as The Marx of the Anti-Semites , wrote an introduction to Sunićs book Homo Americanus , a book which deals extensively with the Judeo-Christian mindset and its secular modalities in the USA . MacDonald states the work addresses the modern world of hyper-liberalism , globalist capitalism and the crisis of our inherited Indo-European civilization . Sunić is critical of Judeo-Christian monotheism , to which he attributes the rise of communism and liberalism .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Sunić has been critical of post-World War II legislative changes in Europe , regarding non-white immigration and restrictions on freedom of speech . He has attended and spoken at some conferences organized and attended by historical revisionists . In August 2003 , he gave a lecture in German at a conference sponsored by Germanys neo-Nazi party , the National Democratic Party , alongside the far-right ex-lawyer Horst Mahler . He lectured on Carl Schmitt , a German legal scholar , who was influential in Nazi Germany . Sunićs articles have been published in American , French , German and Croatian",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "journals , including the now defunct Journal of Historical Review .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Sunić has accepted invitations to speak before radical conservatives , white nationalist academics and individuals and groups accused of holding or promoting racist and anti-Semitic views . He spoke at the 2002 and 2003 Eurofest events , sponsored by the Sacramento chapter of National Alliance , where he gave a speech , Turkish Onslaught to Europe to Communist Disaster , which was critical of non-European immigration .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "In his books , articles and speeches Sunić critically examines modern higher education and different antiracist and antifascist institutions which he describes as a platform for semantic distortions of political concepts , in order to demonize or discredit non-conformist , nationalist and traditionalist schools of thought .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić spoke to the French Senate on 15 January 2007 , at a conference entitled Nationalismes et religions dans les Balkans occidentaux ( Nationalisms and Religions in the Western Balkans ) , sponsored by the Fondation Robert Schuman . The topic of his talk was Facteur nationaliste et facteur religieux dans les tensions actuelles ( The Nationalist and Religious Factor in the Present Tensions ) . Other speakers included Michel Barnier ( former French Minister of Foreign Affairs ) and General David Leakey ( former Commander of EUFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "Sunic held a speech in Sweden at the neo-nazi festival Nordiska Festivalen in 2008 . He has also spoken at a British far-right meeting for Generation Identity . Sunic also held a speech at another extreme right wing conference in 2011 called Identitär Idé ( Identitarian Idea ) .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "A June 2011 conference tour was with MacDonald , in Sweden , where they both talked about the topic Individualism and Nationalism in the Modern Multicultural Society . He spoke at the Forgotten Genocide International Conference , held in St . Louis Community College ( St.Louis , Missouri ) , on The Fate of the Danube Germans in Yugoslavia in the Wake of WWII . In July 2011 , he was a guest speaker in Knin , Croatia , at the summer school of the Flemish separatist , rightist political party , Vlaams Belang , where he lectured on the",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": "parallels between multicultural Belgium and multicultural Yugoslavia .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " Sunić is a frequent guest of ethnic or expatriate German and Croatian community or social groups in North America , Australia and Europe , where he talks about what he alleges were mass killings of ethnic German and Croat civilians in the former Yugoslavia and in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of WWII . More recently , Sunić spoke at two National Policy Institute gatherings in 2011 and 2013 .",
"title": "Speaking appearances"
},
{
"text": " From 2 June 2009 until 2012 , Sunić hosted a radio show with the Voice of Reason Broadcast Network . Topics he addressed included race , culture , nationalism , and politics . The show , which began as The New Nationalist Perspective , was later renamed The Sunic Journal . It ended in 2012 .",
"title": "Radio programme"
},
{
"text": " - POSMRTNI IZVJEŠTAJ ( 2021 ) - Homo Americanus : Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2018 ) - Postmortem Report : Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity , preface Kevin MacDonald ( 2017 ) - Titans are in Town : A Novella and Accompanying Essays ( 2017 ) - La Nueva Derecha Europea ( 1ª edición , Tarragona ) ] ( 2014 ) - Nieuw Rechts . Voor een andere politieke cultuur ( Belgium : Uitgeverij iD ) ] ( 2014 ) - Chroniques des Temps Postmodernes ( 2014 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": "- Against Democracy and Equality : The European New Right ( 2011 )",
"title": "Books"
},
{
"text": " - La Croatie : un pays par défaut ? ( June 2010 ) - Homo americanus: : Child of the Postmodern Age ( June 2007 ) - Fragmenti metapolitike ( Zagreb : K . Kresimir ) ( 1998 ) - Titoism and Dissidence ; Studies in the History and Dissolution of Communist Yugoslavia ( 1995 )",
"title": "Books"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#0
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart in late 1740s?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
"Cardinal Deacon"
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#1
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart between Jun 1758 and Sep 1758?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
"Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals"
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#2
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart in Dec 1759?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
"titular Archbishop",
"Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals"
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#3
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart in Aug 1760?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#4
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart between Apr 1767 and Mar 1781?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
"Cardinal-Bishop",
"titular Archbishop"
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#5
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart between Jan 1803 and Dec 1803?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
"Dean of the Sacred College"
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Henry_Benedict_Stuart#P39#6
|
What was the position of Henry Benedict Stuart after Mar 1807?
|
Henry Benedict Stuart Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York . He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history . In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus . Early life . Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered . Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy . Ecclesiastical career . On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts . As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica . In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam . He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil . Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end . French Revolution and later life . At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him . ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. ) The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again . Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 . Personal relationships . Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him . The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa . Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella . Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety . Legacy . Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental . Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle , and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim . Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother . Titles , styles , honours and arms . Titles as cardinal . During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees ) - 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals ) In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 . Arms . During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": "Henry Benedict Thomas Edward Maria Clement Francis Xavier Stuart , Cardinal Duke of York ( 6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807 ) was a Roman Catholic cardinal , as well as the fourth and final Jacobite heir to publicly claim the thrones of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . Unlike his father , James Francis Edward Stuart , and brother , Charles Edward Stuart , Henry made no effort to seize the throne . After Charless death in January 1788 the Papacy did not recognise Henry as the lawful ruler of England , Scotland , and",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Ireland , but referred to him as the Cardinal Duke of York .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": " He spent his life in the Papal States and had a long career in the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church , rising to become the Dean of the College of Cardinals and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Velletri . At the time of his death he was ( and still is ) one of the longest-serving cardinals in the Churchs history .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "In his youth , Henrys father made him Duke of York ( in the Jacobite Peerage ) , and it was by this title that he was best known . Upon the death of his brother in 1788 , Henry became known by Jacobites , and within his personal entourage , as Henry IX of England and Ireland , and Henry I of Scotland , although publicly he referred to himself as Cardinal-Duke of York nuncupatus .",
"title": "Henry Benedict Stuart"
},
{
"text": "Henry was born in exile at the Palazzo Muti in Rome on 6 March 1725 and baptised on the same day by Pope Benedict XIII , 37 years after his grandfather James II and VII lost the throne , and ten years after his fathers failed attempt to regain it . His father was James Francis Edward Stuart , known to his opponents as the Old Pretender . His mother was the Princess Maria Klementyna Sobieska , granddaughter of the Polish King and Lithuanian Grand-Duke , John III Sobieski . Henry was apparently an intelligent child who could spell and",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "write better than his older brother Charles . More introverted than Charles and more cautious in his approach to problems , Henry is described as pious and mild-mannered .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Henry went to France in 1745 to help his brother , Prince Charles Edward Stuart ( Bonnie Prince Charlie , or the Young Pretender ) prepare the Jacobite rising of 1745 . Attached to the French army , he was in nominal command of a cross-channel invasion force of some 10,000 men that never made it out of Dunkirk , and subsequently served under Maurice de Saxe at the siege of Antwerp . After the defeat at Culloden , Henry Stuart returned to Italy .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " On 30 June 1747 Pope Benedict XIV conferred him with tonsure and created him Cardinal-Deacon of Santa Maria in Campitelli in a special consistory held on 3 July 1747 . On 27 August 1747 he was promoted through the four minor orders by Benedict . He received the subdiaconate on 18 August 1748 and diaconate on 25 August 1748 . His elder brother Charles , who was in France at the time , was not in favor of the ecclesiastical honors as he believed they would only serve to further religious prejudice against the Stuarts .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "As the cardinalate was a rank rather than one of the priestly orders , Charles hoped that Henry might yet make a politically advantageous marriage , and was dismayed to discover that his brother had been ordained a priest on 1 September 1748 . Later that month , Henry was made Cardinal-Priest , retaining his diaconal church . In 1751 , he was made Arch-Priest of the Vatican Basilica .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "In December 1752 his titular seat was changed to Santi Apostoli ; and in 1758 the Pope named him Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals . The responsibilities of this office included administering all property , fees , funds and revenue belonging to the College of Cardinals , celebrating the requiem Mass for a deceased cardinal , and charge of the registry of the Acta Consistoralia . He participated in the conclave of 1758 , which elected Pope Clement XIII . In October of that year he was made titular Archbishop of Corinth . The following year , he",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "resigned the title of Santa Maria in Campitelli to assume that of Santa Maria in Trastevere ; however , he retained the Church of Santi Apostoli in commendam .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " He was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati on 13 July 1761 . He was appointed Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals on 26 September 1803 , then also succeeding to the See of Ostia and Velletri . He lived and worked in Frascati for many years , descending each afternoon in his carriage to Rome , where his position as vice-chancellor entitled him to the Palazzo della Cancelleria . Henry was the last claimant to the British throne to touch the sick to cure them from the Kings Evil .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry is described as a beatific , abstemious , wealthy , celibate aesthete who lived to a great age , inoffensive and respectable to the end .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "At the time of the French Revolution , he lost his French Royal benefices and sacrificed many other resources to assist Pope Pius VI . This , in addition to the seizure of his Frascati property by the French , caused him to descend into poverty . The British Minister in Venice arranged for Henry to receive an annuity of £4,000 from George III of Great Britain . Although the British government represented this as an act of charity , Henry and the Jacobites considered it to be a first installment on the money which was legally owed to him",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": ". ( For many years the British government had promised to return the English dowry of his grandmother , Mary of Modena , but never did so. )",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " The Vatican had recognised James III and VIII as the King of Great Britain and Ireland . After his death in 1766 the Vatican did not recognise Henrys brother Charles , who had converted to Anglicanism in 1750 . The Vatican had not , however , overtly recognised the Hanoverian monarchs . However , in November 1792 the Vatican first referred to George III as the King of Great Britain and Ireland instead of the Elector of Hanover . This resulted in a protest by Henry who suggested the insult would result in him not visiting Rome again .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": "Henry returned to Frascati in 1803 . In September of that year he became the Dean of the College of Cardinals and hence Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri , though he still lived in the episcopal palace at Frascati . He died there on 13 July 1807 , aged 82 .",
"title": "Ecclesiastical career"
},
{
"text": " Historians have drawn upon contemporary perceptions to explore the suggestion that Henry was homosexual . These accounts include the writings of Hester Lynch Thrale ( 1741–1821 ) , and the diplomat and writer Giuseppe Gorani ( 1740–1819 ) . Gorani admitted to having gathered evidence insufficient to confirm his suspicions either way , but drew attention to the number of handsome clerics that were to be found in Henrys palace . The historian Andrew Lang alluded to Jamess comment that his younger son would never marry although many marriages had been planned for him .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "The writer Gaetano Moroni provides the lengthiest account of Henrys close attachment with his majordomo Monsignor Giovanni Lercari ( 1722–1802 ) , whom Henry was said to have loved beyond measure . This closeness led to serious tensions between the cardinal and his father who in 1752 eventually tried to have Lercari dismissed from service and sent from Rome . Henry reacted by attempting to separate his household finances from those of his father , and refused himself to return to Rome from Bologna without Lercari by his side . A public scandal was only narrowly avoided after the personal",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "intervention of Pope Benedict XIV who acted as peace-maker . It was agreed that Lercari would leave the household and with Henrys influence was later made Archbishop of Genoa .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Things became easier after the death of James in 1766 . From 1769 onwards Henry remained close to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , a nobleman from Perugia , who thanks to Henrys protection , won various honours , was made canon of the cathedral in Frascati , and finally in 1801 became Bishop of Milevi . When Henry died , Cesarini was still at his side , as he had been for 32 years . Cesarini was later buried in the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": "Caution should nevertheless be given against assuming any active sexual relationships , even if they may have had a romantic element , because equally clear in contemporary sources is Yorks horror of all impropriety .",
"title": "Personal relationships"
},
{
"text": " Under his will , which he signed as Henry R , he was succeeded in all his claimed British rights by his nearest blood-relative and friend , Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia . Charles neither asserted nor renounced his Jacobite claims , like his successors . Charles Emmanuel , and the following Kings of Sardinia , had other vital interests in their Italian environment to which championing a hopeless cause in Britain would have been detrimental .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Contrary to popular belief , he did not leave the Crown Jewels to the Prince of Wales , afterwards George IV of the United Kingdom . All his property was entrusted to Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , for distribution . Cesarini sent the Prince of Wales several jewels from Henrys private collection . These included a Lesser George ( thought to have been worn by Charles I at his execution , and now at Windsor Castle ) and a St Andrews Cross ( now at Edinburgh Castle ) , which are insignia of the orders of the Garter and the Thistle",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": ", and also a ruby ring . Even so , the act of sending them to the Hanoverian Prince of Wales should not be construed as renunciation of the Jacobite claim .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry Benedict , his brother , his father and his mother are buried in the crypt of St . Peters Basilica in the Vatican . There is a monument to the Royal Stuarts on one of the columns in the basilica proper , designed by Antonio Canova . The monument was originally commissioned by Monsignor Angelo Cesarini , executor of Henry Benedicts estate . Among the subscribers , curiously , was George IV , who became an admirer of the Stuart legend . The monument was restored at the expense of the late Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Titles , styles , honours and arms .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " During his life , Cardinal Stuart was assigned the following Diaconia and Tituli : - 13 July 1747 Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Portico - 16 September 1748 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Portico - 18 December 1752 Cardinal Priest of Santi XII Apostoli - 12 February 1759 Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Trastevere - 13 July 1761 Cardinal Bishop of Frascati - 14 January 1763 Comendatario of San Lorenzo in Damaso ( proper of the cardinal vice-chancellor , held in addition to the suburbicarian sees )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": "- 26 September 1803 Cardinal Bishop of Ostia e Velletri ( proper of the dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals )",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " In March 1774 he became Sub-dean , and on 15 September 1803 – Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals . He was a cardinal elector in the papal conclaves of 1758 , 1769 , 1774–75 and 1799–1800 .",
"title": "Titles as cardinal"
},
{
"text": " During the pretence of his father and brother , Henry claimed a coat of arms consisting of those of the kingdom , differenced by a crescent argent or white crescent .",
"title": "Arms"
}
] |
/wiki/Myron_Rolle#P69#0
|
Which school did Myron Rolle go to in Oct 2006?
|
Myron Rolle Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital . He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors . Early years . Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class . In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl . College career . Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University . In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical 3rd down stops . Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens . Professional career . Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 . Medical career . Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season . Personal . He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .
|
[
"Florida State"
] |
[
{
"text": " Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": "Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "3rd down stops .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 .",
"title": "Professional career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season .",
"title": "Medical career"
},
{
"text": " He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .",
"title": "Personal"
}
] |
/wiki/Myron_Rolle#P69#1
|
Which school did Myron Rolle go to between Oct 2009 and Dec 2009?
|
Myron Rolle Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital . He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors . Early years . Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class . In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl . College career . Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University . In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical 3rd down stops . Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens . Professional career . Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 . Medical career . Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season . Personal . He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .
|
[
"Oxford University"
] |
[
{
"text": " Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": "Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "3rd down stops .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 .",
"title": "Professional career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season .",
"title": "Medical career"
},
{
"text": " He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .",
"title": "Personal"
}
] |
/wiki/Myron_Rolle#P69#2
|
Which school did Myron Rolle go to in May 2016?
|
Myron Rolle Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital . He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors . Early years . Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class . In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl . College career . Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University . In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical 3rd down stops . Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens . Professional career . Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 . Medical career . Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season . Personal . He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .
|
[
"Florida State University College of Medicine"
] |
[
{
"text": " Myron L . Rolle ( born October 30 , 1986 ) is a Bahamian American neurosurgery resident and retired football safety . He played college football at Florida State , and was drafted by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round of the 2010 NFL Draft . He attended the Florida State University College of Medicine and is a neurosurgery resident at Harvard Medical School/Massachusetts General Hospital .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "He was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship and studied at St . Edmund Hall , Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an MSc in Medical Anthropology . In 2010 , he was chosen as the second-smartest athlete in sports by the Sporting News , behind baseball player Craig Breslow . On February 17 , 2021 , AbioMed , a member of the S&P 500 , announced Dr . Rolle as a member of its Board of Directors .",
"title": "Myron Rolle"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was born in Texas . His family is from the Bahamas ; they moved to the United States permanently shortly after his birth . He was raised in Galloway Township , New Jersey , where in 2009 , December 10 was decreed Myron Rolle Day . Myron attended the Peddie School in Hightstown , New Jersey , where he played the saxophone in the school band , sang in a school play , and was the sports editor of the school newspaper as well as playing football , basketball and track . He transferred to the Hun School of",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": "Princeton and played high school football and basketball . He maintained a 4.0 GPA in High School . He was an All-American and made 112 tackles including 14 for loss . ESPNs recruiting services ranked Rolle as the number one high school prospect in the country . Rivals.com rated him the 12th-best player and the top athlete overall , as well as the best player from New Jersey in the 2006 recruiting class .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " In 2006 , after a nationwide search Rolle won the prestigious annually awarded Franklin D . Watkins Memorial Trophy , the premier African-American scholar/athlete award in America for high school males . He is an alumnus of the U.S . Army All-American Bowl .",
"title": "Early years"
},
{
"text": " Aspiring to both the National Football League and medical school , Rolle played as a safety at FSU , completed all necessary pre-medical requirements , and earned his bachelors degree in Exercise Science in just 2.5 years with a 3.75 grade point average . Rolle helped the Florida State Seminoles win on the field , and off the field , he won a Rhodes Scholarship . He postponed playing in the NFL for a year in order to study at Oxford University .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , he earned Associated Press 3rd team All-American honors as well as Football Writers Association America 2nd team All-ACC and CoSIDA Academic All-America . In the 2008 season game versus the University of Miami Hurricanes , Seminoles defensive coordinator Mickey Andrews remarked that Rolle played the best and most complete game he has ever seen a safety play at Florida State University in his 25 years of coaching . Rolle had 4 tackles ( 2 touchdown saving tackles ) , 1 tackle for loss , 4 pass breakups , 1 sack , 2 quarterback hurries and 3 critical",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "3rd down stops .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "Rolle was named a finalist for one of the 32 Rhodes Scholarships awarded to Americans each year . His interview for the scholarship was originally scheduled at the same time as Florida State was to play at Maryland , in which Florida State defeated Maryland 37–3 . The NCAA decided to allow Rolle to take a chartered plane from his interview in Birmingham , Alabama to College Park . He was awarded the scholarship less than three hours before the Florida State vs . Maryland game . He became the fourth Florida State student and second school athlete to receive",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": "the honor , as well as the only FSU football player to do so . Rolle announced on January 12 , 2009 , that he would first study at Oxford University for the 2009–10 academic year in order to earn an M.Sc . in medical anthropology and would then enter the 2010 NFL Draft . He was a member of St Edmund Hall , commonly known as Teddy Hall , at Oxford , living in college accommodation at Norham Gardens .",
"title": "College career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the sixth round ( 207th overall ) of the 2010 NFL Draft . He signed a four-year contract on June 14 , 2010 . Over two seasons in 2010 and 2011 , Rolle never appeared in a regular-season game for the Titans . He then spent a brief time with the Pittsburgh Steelers before the team released him in 2012 .",
"title": "Professional career"
},
{
"text": " Rolle announced his intent to leave the NFL to attend medical school in 2013 . He enrolled at Florida State University College of Medicine and graduated in May 2017 . Rolle matched to a neurosurgery residency at Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School . Rolle is a Global Neurosurgery Fellow at Harvard Medical School . In July 2020 Rolle stated he felt that due to COVID-19 the NFL should delay or cancel the 2020 season .",
"title": "Medical career"
},
{
"text": " He is the son of Whitney and Beverly Rolle . Myron is the youngest of five : Marchant , Marvis , Mordecai and McKinley . Rolle is the cousin of former safety Antrel Rolle , linebacker Brian Rolle , and former cornerback Samari Rolle . He is married to pediatric dentist Latoya Legrand-Rolle . The couple has 2 children . He was honored with membership into Omicron Delta Kappa in 2008 at FSU .",
"title": "Personal"
}
] |
/wiki/Susan_M._Gasser#P108#0
|
Susan M. Gasser was an employee for whom in Dec 2004?
|
Susan M . Gasser Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability . Early career . Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding . Career . Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission . Career history . - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel Awards . - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award - 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation Selected publications . - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM - 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM - 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM - 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM - 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM - 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM External links . - Research Europe - Gassers La
|
[
"University of Geneva"
] |
[
{
"text": " Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability .",
"title": "Susan M . Gasser"
},
{
"text": "Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": "Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": "- 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - Research Europe - Gassers La",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Susan_M._Gasser#P108#1
|
Susan M. Gasser was an employee for whom in Dec 2004?
|
Susan M . Gasser Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability . Early career . Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding . Career . Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission . Career history . - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel Awards . - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award - 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation Selected publications . - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM - 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM - 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM - 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM - 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM - 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM External links . - Research Europe - Gassers La
|
[
"Friedrich Miescher Institute"
] |
[
{
"text": " Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability .",
"title": "Susan M . Gasser"
},
{
"text": "Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": "Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": "- 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - Research Europe - Gassers La",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Susan_M._Gasser#P108#2
|
Susan M. Gasser was an employee for whom after Jul 2005?
|
Susan M . Gasser Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability . Early career . Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding . Career . Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission . Career history . - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel Awards . - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award - 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation Selected publications . - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM - 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM - 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM - 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM - 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM - 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM External links . - Research Europe - Gassers La
|
[
"University of Basel"
] |
[
{
"text": " Susan M . Gasser is a professor of molecular biology at the University of Basel . From 2004 - 2019 she was the director of Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , where she currently runs a laboratory of quantitative biology studying epigenetic inheritance and genome stability .",
"title": "Susan M . Gasser"
},
{
"text": "Susan Gasser received her doctorate from the University of Basel in Biochemistry for the development of an in vitro system for the import of mitochondrial proteins with Gottfried ( Jeff ) Schatz in the Biozentrum of the University of Basel . She then studied the long-range folding of the genome in flies and human cells as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Geneva with Ulrich K . Laemmli . She established a role for topoisomerase II in metaphase chromosome structure ( Gasser et al. , JMB 1986 ) and identified a role for A/T-rich sequences in long-range chromatin folding",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Early career"
},
{
"text": "Gasser presently holds a professorship at the University of Basel and runs a research laboratory at the FMI . From 1986 to 2001 , Gasser led a research group at the Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research . There she discovered and documented the clustering of yeast telomeres at the nuclear envelope , and elucidated the role of this subnuclear distribution in heritable gene repression using a combined genetic and fluorescence microscopy approach . From 2001 to 2004 , Gasser was a professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Geneva . The laboratory developed quantitative live imaging tools to",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "study the subnuclear dynamics of DNA loci in living cells . From 2004 - 2019 , she was the Director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute in Basel , and Professor of Molecular Biology at the University of Basel . She has been a pioneer in characterizing the role histone modifications in the spatial organization of chromatin in the interphase nucleus . Gasser has served on review boards and advisory councils throughout Switzerland and Europe . She is currently a member of the Swiss Science Council and the Board of the ETH Domain ( Rat der Eidgenossosichen Technischen Hochschulen ) and",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Chaired the Commission on Gender Equality of the Swiss National Science Foundation from 2014-2020 . She was previously Chair of the EMBO Council ( 2002 - 2005 ) and member of the Presidents Science and Technology Advisory Council ( PSTAC ) for the European Commission .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " - 1977-1979 : University of Chicago , Illinois , United States , Bachelor of Arts with honours in biophysics - 1979-1982 : University of Basel ( Biozentrum ) PhD Magna cum laude in biochemistry , thesis advisor : Prof . G . Schatz - 1983-1986 : maître assistant , Prof . U . K . Laemmli , University of Geneva , Department of Molecular Biology - 1986-1990 : junior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research - 1991-2001 : senior group leader , Swiss Institute for Experimental Cancer Research",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": "- 2001-2004 : full professor , Department of Molecular Biology , University of Geneva , Geneva",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2004-2019 : director of the Friedrich Miescher Institute for Biomedical Research , Basel - Since January 2005 : full professor in molecular biology , University of Basel",
"title": "Career history"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Honorary Doctorate , Charles University , Prague , Czech Republic - 2016 Lee Hartwell Award of the Genetics Society of America - 2014 Doctorat Honoris causa , University of Lausanne - 2013 Member of the EC Presidents Science and Technology advisory Council ( PSTAC ) - 2013 Weizmann Institute , Women in Science Award - 2012 FEBS/EMBO Women in Science Award - 2011 Prix International de lINSERM , France - 2009 Election to American Association for the Advancement of Science - 2009 London Royal Society of Chemistry Nucleic Acid Award",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": "- 2007 Election to German Academy of Science , Leopoldina",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2006 Election to Academy of Medical Sciences , Switzerland - 2006 Gregor Mendel Medal , Czech Academy of Science - 2006 Otto Naegeli Prize for Biomedical Research , Switzerland - 2005 Foreign member , Académie des Sciences , Institut de France - 1999 Medal of Honor , 3rd Medical Faculty of Charles University , Prague - 1998 Election to Academia Europaea - 1994 Friedrich Miescher Prize , Swiss Society for Biochemistry - 1993 Member , EMBO - 1991 National Latsis Prize , Swiss National Science Foundation",
"title": "Awards"
},
{
"text": " - 2020 The LSM2-8 complex and XRN-2 mediate RNA decay at H3K27me3-marked genes in C . elegans . Nature Cell Biology , doi : 10.1038/s41556-020-0504-1 Mattout A , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Schmid CD , Aeschlimann F , Kalck V and Gasser SM - 2019 Active chromatin marks drive spatial sequestration of heterochromatin in differentiated cells . Nature 569 , 734 - 739 . doi : 10.1038/s41586-019-1243-y Cabianca D , Munoz Jimenez C , Kalck V , Gaidatzis D , Padeken J , Askjaer P and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2017 Histone degradation in response to DNA damage enhances chromatin dynamics and recombination rates . Nature Struct . Mol . Biology , 24 , 99 – 107 . doi : 10.1038/nsmb.3347v Hauer MH , Seeber A , Singh V , Thierry R , Sack R , Amitai A , Kryzhanovska M , Eglinger J , Holcman D , Owen-Hughes T and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2016 Histone H3K9 methylation is dispensable for C . elegans development , but suppresses RNA-DNA hybrid-associated repeat instability . Nature Genetics , 48 , 1385 - 1395 . doi : 10.1038/ng.3672 Zeller P , Padeken J , van Schendel R , Kalck V , Tijsterman M and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2015 Perinuclear Anchoring of H3K9-Methylated Chromatin Stabilizes Induced Cell Fate in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 163 , 1333 – 1347 Gonzalez-Sandoval A , Towbin BD , Kalck V , Cabianca DS , Gaidatzis D , Hauer MH , Geng L , Wang L , Yang T , Wang X , Zhao K and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 TORC2 signaling pathway guarantees genome stability in face of DNA strand breaks . Mol Cell , 51:829-839 , Shimada K , Fillipuzzi I , Stahl M , Helliwell SB , Seeber A , Loewith R , Movva R , Gasser SM - 2013 The shelterin protein POT-1 anchors C . elegans telomeres through SUN-1 at the nuclear periphery . J Cell Biol , 203:727-35 , Ferreira HC , Towbin BD , Jegou T , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2013 Checkpoint kinases and nucleosome remodelers enhance global chromatin mobility in response to DNA damage . Genes Dev , 27:1999-2008 . doi:10.1101/gad.222992.113 , Seeber A , Dion V , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2013 Cohesin and the nucleolus constrain the mobility of spontaneous repair foci . EMBO Rep . 14:984-991 , Dion V , Kalck V , Seeber A , Schleker T , Gasser SM - 2013 SIR proteins and the assembly of silent chromatin in budding yeast . Annu Rev Genet . 47:275-306 , Kueng S , Oppikofer M , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2012 Step-wise methylation of histone H3K9 positions chromosome arms at the nuclear periphery in C . elegans embryos . Cell , 150:934-947 , Towbin BD , Gonzalez-Aguilera C , Sack R , Gaidatzis D , Kalck V , Meister P , Askjaer P , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2012 Increased dynamics of double strand breaks requires Mec1 , Rad9 and the homologous recombination machinery . Nat . Cell Biol . 14:502-509 , Dion V , Kalck V , Horigome C , Towbin BD , Gasser SM - 2012 Targeted INO80 enhances subnuclear chromatin movement and ectopic homologous recombination . Genes Dev 26:369-38 Neumann FR , Dion V , Gehlen L , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Schmid R , Taddei A , Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 Functional Targeting of DNA Damage to a Nuclear Pore-associated SUMO-dependent Ubiquitin ligase . Science , 322 , 597 - 602 Nagai S , Dubrana K , Tsai-Pflugfelder M , Davidson MB , Roberts TM , Brown GW , Varela E , Hediger F , Gasser SM* and Krogan NJ",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - 2005 Automatic tracking of individual fluorescence particles - Application to the study of chromosome dynamics . IEEE Transactions on Image Processing , 14 , 1372 – 1383 Sage D , Neumann FR , Hediger F , Gasser SM and Unser M - 2004 INO80 recruitment by H2A phosphorylation links ATP-dependent chromatin remodeling with DNA double-strand break repair . Cell , 119 , 777 – 788 van Attikum H , Fritsch O , Hohn B and Gasser SM",
"title": "Selected publications"
},
{
"text": " - Research Europe - Gassers La",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#0
|
Who was the chair of Liga Veneta in Jul 1991?
|
Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
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[
"Franco Rocchetta"
] |
[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#1
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Who was the chair of Liga Veneta in Sep 1997?
|
Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
|
[
"Gian Paolo Gobbo"
] |
[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#2
|
Who was the chair of Liga Veneta in Aug 1998?
|
Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
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{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#3
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Who was the chair of Liga Veneta in Feb 2002?
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Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
|
[
"Manuela Dal Lago"
] |
[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#4
|
Who was the chair of Liga Veneta in Jul 2010?
|
Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
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[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#5
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Who was the chair of Liga Veneta between Mar 2014 and Oct 2014?
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Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
|
[
"Luca Baggio"
] |
[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/Liga_Veneta#P488#6
|
Who was the chair of Liga Veneta after Jan 2016?
|
Liga Veneta Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy . The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy . In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote . History . Early years ( 1978–1989 ) . Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault ( see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta . In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan . Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats . In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA ) . The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings . Foundation of Lega Nord ( 1989–1994 ) . In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable . In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy . In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters . Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President . In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election : 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected . In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote . In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso . In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) . By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government . In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively . In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso . In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health . In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list , 15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) . Road to the leadership of Veneto ( 2006–2010 ) . In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini . In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively . In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia . In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin . 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council . In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) . In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election . In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level . All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) . In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur . On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi . At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members ( mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 . In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto . Road to the 2015 regional election . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party . In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through Us with Salvini ( NcS ) . After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) . 2015 regional election and aftermath . The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it . After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia . In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini . After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council . In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability . In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath . The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council . After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection ) , Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council . Ideology . Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to give Veneto its autonomy back . Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation . The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line . This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist . 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term . Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe . The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League . In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations . After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history tells us! . The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above . 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence . Factions . Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings . Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona . An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs . In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy . It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni . Popular support . The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps . In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona ( 30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) . In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua , 32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno . The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below . Leadership . <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present ) - National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude> - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present ) Notable members . The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto : - Enrico Cavaliere ( 2000–2005 ) - Marino Finozzi ( 2005–2010 ) - Roberto Ciambetti ( 2015–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Ministers of the Italian Government : - Erika Stefani ( 2018–2019 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal president of Lega Nord : - Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) - Stefano Stefani ( 1995−2002 ) - Luciano Gasperini ( 2002−2005 ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as leader of Lega Nord in the Chamber of Deputies : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 2012–2013 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as leader of Lega Nord in the Senate : - Luciano Gasperini ( 1998−1999 ) - Federico Bricolo ( 2008−2013 ) - Massimo Bitonci ( 2013–2014 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as head of delegation of Lega Nord at the European Parliament : - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2012–2014 ) - Mara Bizzotto ( 2018–2019 ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as federal deputy secretary of Lega Nord : - Gianpaolo Dozzo ( 1998–1999 ) - Federico Caner ( 2012–2013 ) - Flavio Tosi ( 2013–2014 ) - Lorenzo Fontana ( 2016–present ) A member of Liga Veneta has served as federal administrative secretary of Lega Nord : - Stefano Stefani ( 2012–2014 ) In April 2012 Manuela Dal Lago was appointed member of the triumvirate who replaced Umberto Bossi at the head of Lega Nord and temporarily led the party . Luciano Gasperini was Lega Nords candidate for President of the Republic in 1999 .
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[
"Massimo Bitonci"
] |
[
{
"text": " Liga Veneta ( , English translation : Venetian League ) , whose complete name is Liga Veneta–Lega Nord ( Venetian League–Northern League ) , is a regionalist political party based in Veneto , Italy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "The LV , which combines Venetian nationalism and support for fiscal federalism , was the first party of its kind in Northern Italy , predating Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda by four years , and was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991 . Since then , Liga Veneta has been a national section of the federal party , thus retaining legal status and some autonomy .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": " In the 2010 regional election the LV was by far the largest party in Veneto with 35.2% of the vote and LVs Luca Zaia , who was supported also by The People of Freedom , was elected President of Veneto with 60.2% . In the 2015 regional election the LV improved its tally to 40.9% and Zaia , who counted also on the support of some minor parties , was re-elected with 50.1% . In the 2020 regional election the LV improved again its tally to 61.5% and Zaia was re-elected by a landslide 76.8% of the vote .",
"title": "Liga Veneta"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was promoted in 1978 by Franco Rocchetta , a Venetian philologist who had been speaking of a Venetian league since 1968 . The party constitution , modelled on those of the Valdostan Union and the Radical Party , was officially signed by 14 founding members on 16 January 1980 in Padua and Achille Tramarin was elected national secretary . Shortly after , some hardliners , led by Luigi Faccia and Flavio Contin , left the party : in 1987 they would launch the Most Serene Venetian Government and in 1997 would organise the St Marks Campaniles assault (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "see Venetian nationalism ) . Another split occurred in 1983 : Giulio Pizzatis Liga Federativa Veneta .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1983 general election the LV gained 4.3% in Veneto : Tramarin was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and Graziano Girardi to the Senate . In the Pedemontana , the area of the Padanian-Venetian Plain at the feet of the Venetian Prealps , the LV became the second largest party after then-dominant Christian Democracy ( DC ) . This party would be mostly damaged from the rise of the LV as both parties concurred for the support of the middle class . DC regional leader Antonio Bisaglia had proposed a regional party modelled on the Christian Social Union",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "in Bavaria , but opposition from Rome and his sudden death stopped the plan .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Soon after the election , a power struggle for the leadership of the party took place and the winner was Rocchetta , disappointed for his missed election , who had been behind the scenes up to that moment . Tramarin was replaced as national secretary by Marilena Marin , future wife of Rocchetta . In the 1984 European Parliament election the LV gained 3.3% in Veneto , but did not win seats .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1985 regional election the party obtained 3.7% and two regional councillors : Ettore Beggiato and Rocchetta . Liga Veneta Serenissima of Tramarin , expelled from the party by Marin , won a mere 0.2% of the vote and , since then , Rocchetta and Marin had the party in their hands . In the 1980s the party suffered also other two splits : that of the Union of the Venetian People ( UPV ) , formed by Beggiato ( who was joined by Tramarin and Girardi ) and that of the Veneto Autonomous Region Movement ( MVRA )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ". The only counterweight to Rocchetta–Marin within the LV was thus represented by the Treviso wing , which then started to gain influence , under the leadership of Gian Paolo Gobbo and Mauro Michielon . In the next elections the LV and the UPV had similar showings .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1989 the partys charismatic leader , Rocchetta and his wife Marin , secretary of the party , managed to forge an alliance with Umberto Bossis Lega Lombarda for that years European Parliament election , Alleanza Nord . In 1989–1990 the LV took part in the process of federating the northern regionalist parties , ahead of the regional elections . In the 1990 regional election the LV and the UPV scored 5.9% and 1.9% , respectively . In the 1991 local elections the UPV passed the LV . Some attempts to merge the two parties into one failed , but",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "from that point , thanks to the alliance with Bossi , Liga Venetas rise seemed unstoppable .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 1991 the LV joined Lega Lombarda and other regionalist parties from every northern region to form Lega Nord ( LN ) and , since then , the LV has been the regional section of the party in Veneto . Bossi was elected federal secretary and Rocchetta federal president . Thanks to the federal structure of Lega Nord and to its ideology ( according to which Padania is a country formed of different nations : Veneto , Lombardy , Piedmont , etc. ) , the LV retained much of its autonomy .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 1992 general election the LN scored 8.7% throughout Italy and the LV won 17.8% of the vote in Veneto , returning into the Italian Parliament after five years . The UPV and the MVRA both won 1.5% of the vote , while Lega Autonomia Veneta ( LAV ) , formed by the former Socialist mayor of Venice Mario Rigo , got 4.7% . The Venetist movement , divided as ever , together gained the support of about quarter of Venetian voters .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Heyday and internal splits ( 1994–1998 ) . In the 1994 general election the LV won 21.6% of the vote in Veneto ( the LAV took 3.2% ) and three of its members joined Berlusconi I Cabinet : Rocchetta was undersecretary of Foreign Affairs , Mariella Mazzetto of Education and Giovanni Meo Zilio ( a former Socialist partisan during Italian resistance ) , of University and Research . Between 1994 and 1995 the LV was also part of the regional government for the first time , with Gobbo as Vice President .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In July 1994 Marin was replaced by Fabrizio Comencini as national secretary of the party , while Gobbo was elected national president . Shortly after , in September , Rocchetta and Marin left the party in disagreement with Bossi and the new Venetian leadership . Rocchetta was replaced by Stefano Stefani , leading member of the LV , as federal president of Lega Nord in February 1995 . The exit of Rocchetta and Marin made possible the comeback of Beggiato into the party . Thanks to this the LV did not suffer a major setback in the 1995 regional election",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ": 17.4% and 9 regional councillors elected .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 1996 general election Bossi led Lega Nord to its strongest showing in a general election : with 10.1% of the vote , the party , present only in Northern Italy , became the fourth largest of the country . Comencinis Liga Veneta was the strongest national section of the League : it gained 29.3% of the vote in Veneto , 19 deputies and 9 senators , mostly elected in single-seat constituencies , in which the party , favoured by split-ticket voting , gained a total 32.8% of the vote .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 1994 the party won the mayorship of Treviso with Giancarlo Gentilini , and a year later it gained control of three provinces : Padua with Renzo Sacco , Verona with Antonio Borghesi and Treviso with Giovanni Mazzonetto . In 1997 the party won also in the province of Vicenza with Manuela Dal Lago , while Luca Zaia was elected President of the province of Treviso , replacing Mazzonetto , in 1998 . Also in 1998 Gentilini was re-elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 Comencini left the party over disagreements with Bossi and formed a brand-new Venetist party named Liga Veneta Repubblica ( then Veneti dEuropa ) . Seven regional councillors out of nine followed Comencini into the new party , while Gobbo took over as national secretary of the LV , along with a new national president , Giuseppe Ceccato ( who left the party in 1999 ) . In the 1999 provincial elections the party lost the provinces of Padua and Verona . Decline and resurgence ( 1998–2006 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "By 2000 the party started to recover from the schism of 1998 and took 12.0% of the vote in the 2000 regional election ( the combined score of Veneti dEuropa and Fronte Marco Polo , another split , was 3.7% ) , re-joining after five years the regional government .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2001 general election the LV won a mere 10.2% in Veneto , with 9 deputies and 4 senators elected , all in single-seat constituencies , thanks to the alliance with Forza Italia within the House of Freedoms coalition . After the election , Dozzo and Stefani joined Berlusconi II Cabinet as undersecretaries of Agriculture and Industry , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2002 provincial elections the party won for the second time in a row in Vicenza and Treviso . The province of Treviso confirmed itself as the most-leghista province of Italy and Zaia was re-elected Provincial President with more than 40% in the first round and with almost 70% in the run-off , although he had refused the support of Lega Nords allies in Rome and Venice , Forza Italia and National Alliance . Also in 2002 LVs Luciano Gasperini was elected federal president of Lega Nord . In a party congress in Vicenza , Gobbo was re-elected national",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "secretary and Dal Lago was elected national president . In 2003 Gobbo was also elected mayor of Treviso .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2005 regional election the LV gained 14.7% of the vote , despite the presence of other two Venetist parties ( North-East Project and Liga Fronte Veneto , 5.4% and 1.2% respectively ) , and was decisive for the third re-election of Giancarlo Galan as President of Veneto . After the election , the LV joined the Galan III Government , with Zaia Vice President of the Region and minister of Agriculture and Tosi minister of Health .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2006 general election however , the party scored 11.1% and got elected 5 deputies and 3 senators . It was the worst result in terms of elected members in the Italian Parliament since 1987 , due to the narrow victory of the centre-left , which won the majority-premium for the Chamber of Deputies and to the presence of North-East Project ( 2.7% ) and of Liga Fronte Veneto ( 0.7% ) . In a provincial election Leonardo Muraro was elected President of the province of Treviso and the LV scored 29.2% ( combined result of party list ,",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "15.6% , and Zaias personal list , 13.6% ) , despite a good result by the rival North-East Project ( 11.6% ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In 2007 Tosi was elected mayor of Verona by a landslide ( 60.8% against the 33.9% of incumbent Paolo Zanotto ) , while in the provincial election of Vicenza Attilio Schneck succeeded to Dal Lago as President ( 60.0% , largely ahead of her main challenger , Pietro Collareda , who stopped at 17.2% ) . Both Tosi , who was the second leghista to become mayor of a big city after Marco Formentini in Milan between 1993 and 1997 , and Schneck were supported by the House of Freedoms coalition , but the LV had an excellent result in",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "both races : in Vicenza it garnered 19.0% of the vote , while in Verona it ranked first among the parties with 28.4% ( combined score of party list , 12.0% , and Tosis personal list , 16.4% ) . In June 2007 , Tosi was replaced as regional minister of Health by Francesca Martini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2008 general election the LV won a surprising 27.1% in Veneto , its best result since the 1996 election , getting 16 deputies and 7 senators elected . Meanwhile , Gobbo was re-elected mayor of Treviso with 50.4% of the vote , twice the score of his main opponent . The combined result of the LV and Giancarlo Gentilinis personal list was 35.4% . Subsequently , Zaia became minister of Agriculture and Martini undersecretary of Health in Berlusconi IV Cabinet . Federico Bricolo became floor leader of Lega Nord in the Senate . Zaia and Martini were thus",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "replaced in the regional government by Franco Manzato and Sandro Sandri , respectively .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In July 2008 the party held its national congress in Padua . Gobbo was re-elected for the fourth time national secretary , while Tosi replaced Dal Lago as national president . Tosi appeared to be also the standard-bearer of the party in view of the 2010 regional election , along with Zaia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2009 European Parliament election the LV confirmed its strength , by gaining 28.4% and three MEPs : Lorenzo Fontana , a rising star from Verona , Giancarlo Scottà and Mara Bizzotto . The party also won two more provinces , Venice , a stronghold of the left , with Francesca Zaccariotto , and Belluno with Gianpaolo Bottacin .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " 2010 regional election and aftermath ( 2010–2012 ) . In December 2009 The People of Freedom ( PdL ) determined that the coalition candidate in the 2010 regional election would be a leghista . Subsequently , the national council of Liga Veneta nominated Zaia for President . Tosi , who , as party president , presided the council , tried to be himself the candidate , and others proposed instead Manzato . However , Zaia had a broader support than Tosi and was unanimously chosen by the council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the election Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide , with 60.2% of the vote against 29.1% of his foremost opponent , Giuseppe Bortolussi of the Democratic Party ( PD ) . The election was a triumph for the LV , which was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote , up from 14.7% of five years before , and got 20 seats in the Regional Council , up from 11 . Zaia was also the most voted President of Veneto since direct election was introduced in 1995 . After the",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "election , Zaia appointed a cabinet including six party members , a majority of whom were tosiani : Roberto Ciambetti ( Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health ) , Maurizio Conte ( Environment ) , Marino Finozzi ( Tourism and International Trade ) , Franco Manzato ( Agriculture ) and Daniele Stival ( Venetian Identity and Civil Protection ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2011 provincial election of Treviso Muraro was easily re-elected president . The LV won 40.8% of the vote ( combined result of party list , 29.6% , and Muraros personal list , 11.4% ) , which was an 11.6% gain since the previous provincial election in 2006 , but also a 7.7% loss from the 2010 regional election .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2011 , after the fall of Berlusconis government , Lega Nord abandoned the alliance with the PdL . Perceiving that the party was entering a crisis , Giuseppe Covre ( a former mayor of Oderzo and MP ) and Marzio Favero ( mayor of Montebelluna and philosopher ) proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be . In its call for a cultural revolution and for a bottom-up restructuring of the party , the document was interpreted as a call for a new leadership , both at national and federal level .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " All throughout 2011 the faction around Tosi , close to Roberto Maroni at the federal level , won most provincial congresses in Veneto , including that of Treviso . Partys renewal and reform ( 2012–2015 ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early April 2012 a corruption scandal hit the magic circle around Bossi , who resigned from federal secretary of Lega Nord after 21 years . This had consequences also in Veneto : a national congress was scheduled for 2–3 June 2012 and , after fourteen years on top , Gobbo decided to step down from secretary . Tosi , just re-elected mayor of Verona with 57.4% of the vote ( three times his closest opponent Michele Bertucco , who got a mere 22.8% ) , started his bid for the partys national leadership . Massimo Bitonci , a darling",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "of Venetists and long-time rival of Tosi , was chosen as joint candidate by Venetists and Gobbos loyalists . On 3 June 2012 Tosi was elected secretary with 57% of the vote ( 236 delegates out of 414 ) , while Bitonci had 43% ( 178 delegates ) . On 9 June the LVs national council elected Luca Baggio , an ally of Tosi , as national president . Zaia warned Tosi that if he were not to be a unifying leader a split might occur .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " On 1 July 2012 Maroni was elected federal secretary during a federal congress presided by Zaia . The Venetian delegates elected also four members to the federal council : Finozzi ( tosiano ) , Bitonci ( Venetist , anti-Tosi ) , Stival ( Venetist , tosiano ) and Dal Lago ( Venetist , independent ) . A few days later Maroni appointed Federico Caner , who was supported by both Tosi and Gobbo , as his vicar . As early as in May 2013 Caner was replaced by Tosi .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "At the 2013 general election the LV stopped at 10.5% , almost a record low , resulting in just 5 deputies and 5 senators . Tosi considered this a consequence of the renewed alliance with the PdL ( instrumental to Maronis election as President of Lombardy ) , while many party bigwigs , including Zaia , criticised his leadership , management of the campaign and selection of candidates . Most provincial leaders resigned or were deposed by Tosi , who appointed loyalists . In April the national council of LV , led by Tosi , expelled 35 party members (",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "mostly Venetists or old-guard bossiani ) , including two regional councillors and a former deputy . In August the dissidents , led by Corrado Callegari , a former deputy , formed Veneto First , which became a separate party in January 2014 and welcomed a third councillor in February 2015 .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2013 municipal elections the party lost the mayorship of Treviso after 19 years , as Giancarlo Gentilini surrendered to Democrat Giovanni Manildo 55.5% to 44.5% . However , one year later , in the 2014 municipal elections Bitonci was elected mayor of the much bigger city of Padua , a Democratic stronghold , by defeating incumbent Ivo Rossi 53.5% to 46.5% . The party thus governed two of the three largest cities of Veneto , Verona and Padua . Finally , in the 2014 European Parliament election the LV gained 15.2% and two MEPs , Tosi ( who",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "showed his popular support once for all and was soon replaced by Fontana ) and Bizzotto .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party was quite divided on alliances and strategies . Zaia wanted to continue the alliance with Forza Italia and the New Centre-Right ( the two parties emerged from the break-up of the PdL ) and to reinforce it with the creation of a Zaia List , Tosi wanted the party to run with the sole support of the Zaia List and a Tosi List , while Matteo Salvini , who succeeded to Maroni as federal secretary in 2013 , kept an open mind only on Forza Italia and opposed , along",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "with Zaia , any notion of a Tosi List . Furthermore , while Zaia , supported by Salvini , wanted to renovate the partys group in the Regional Council ( in order to get rid of some of his ministers who happened to be tosiani ) and have a final say on the compilation of the partys slates , Tosi , who defended the position of long-time regional councillors and ministers , claimed his authority and the autonomy of the LV in relation to the federal party .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In early March the struggle between Tosi and Zaia–Salvini led the former to threaten a run in competition with Zaia in the regional election and Lega Nords federal council to appoint Dozzo as a mediator between Tosi and Zaia . The internal clashes led three regional councillors to quit the party in the Regional Council : Vittorino Cenci joined Veneto First , while LVs president Baggio and Matteo Toscani launched the pro-Tosi Venetian Commitment . All three disagreed with a perceived partys rightward shift under Salvini , while Cenci contested also Tosi and the partys engagement in southern politics through",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Us with Salvini ( NcS ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After a long struggle between Tosi and Salvini , the latter acknowledged the formers relinquishment from party member , on the grounds that Tosi had refused to ditch his think tank , named Lets Rebuild the Country , and appointed Dozzo federal commissioner for the LV . Consequently , Tosi decided to run for President against Zaia . Besides Baggio and Toscani , four more regional councillors ( Stival , regional minister of Venetian Identity , and Giuseppe Stoppato , who formed , along with former Democrat Diego Bottacin , a group named Toward North–Venetian People , Conte , regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "minister of the Environment , and Andrea Bassi ) , three deputies , three senators and Muraro ( president of the province of Treviso ) , followed Tosi , while two factional leaders , Finozzi ( regional minister of Tourism and International Trade ) and Bizzotto MEP , chose not to . In the meantime , Venetian Agreement changed its name into Tosi List for Veneto ( LTV ) .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The election was a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected with 50.1% of the vote , and Liga Veneta , which obtained 40.9% of the vote ( combined result of official party list , 17.8% , and Zaias personal list , 23.1% ) . Tosi and the two lists connected to the LTV won 11.9% and 7.1% , respectively , while other regionalist parties ( Independence We Veneto , Venetian Independence , North-East Union , Autonomous Veneto Project and Veneto Confederal State ) gained another 6.3% in what was the best result ever for both Venetist parties , which",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "controlled the majority of the Regional Council for the first time , and Liga Veneta itself , which obtained 24 seats out of 51 in it .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his second government , composed of ten ministers , including nine Lighisti : Gianluca Forcolin ( Vice President , Budget and Local Government ) , Luca Coletto ( Health and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development and Energy ) , Elisa De Berti ( Publick Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Giuseppe Pan ( Agriculture , Hunting and Fishing ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Social Affairs ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment and Civil Protection ) and Cristiano",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning and Security ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education and Labour ) represented Forza Italia .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In February 2015 , during a national congress , Gianantonio Da Re , a long-time lighista from the province of Treviso , affiliate of Gobbo and now close to Zaia , was elected national secretary . Da Res election represented a return to normality after the traumatic leadership and ousting of Tosi . Subsequently , Bitonci was appointed national president by the partys national council and , contextually , Fontana was appointed deputy federal secretary by Salvini .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After Salvinis re-election as LN federal secretary in the 2017 leadership election ( with overwhelming support from Venetians , still grateful for Tosis ousting ) , at the partys federal congress on 21 May 2017 three LV members ( Fontana , Marcato and Erik Pretto ) were elected to the federal council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In the 2018 general election the party obtained 32.2% of the vote , its best result ever in a general election , and , under a new electoral law that had re-introduced single-seat constituencies , had 23 deputies ( including Bitonci , who had been defeated in the early 2017 municipal election in Padua ) and 9 senators elected . After months of negotiations , the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement ( M5S ) , under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte . Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet : Erika Stefani at Regional",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Affairs and Autonomies , and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " In the 2019 European Parliament election the party reached 49.9% of the vote . 2020 regional election and aftermath .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "The regional election was even more a triumph for Zaia , who was re-elected for a third conservative term with 76.8% of the vote . Liga Veneta fielded three lists , including the official one , Zaias personal list and the Venetian Autonomy List ( comprising also Liga Veneta Repubblica ) , which obtained 16.9% , 44.6% and 2.4% , respectively . The party , with 33 seats ( plus one obtained by the third list ) , had thus far more than 50% of the seats in the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "After the election , Zaia unveiled his third government , composed of eight ministers , including seven Lighisti : Elisa De Berti ( Vice President , Legal Affairs , Public Works , Infrastructures and Transports ) , Francesco Calzavara ( Planning , Budget , Patrimony and Local Government ) , Manuela Lanzarin ( Health , Social Affairs and Social Programs ) , Roberto Marcato ( Economic Development , Energy and Special Status for Venice ) , Federico Caner ( EU Programs , Agriculture , Tourism and International Trade ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( Environment , Climate and Civil Protection )",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": ", Cristiano Corazzari ( Culture , City Planning , Security , Hunting and Fishing ) ; Elena Donazzan ( Education , Formation , Labour and Equal Opportunities ) represented Brothers of Italy . LVs Roberto Ciambetti was re-elected President of the Regional Council .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "Liga Veneta was conceived by Franco Rocchetta and others in the late 1970s . During its first official meeting in Recoaro on 9 December 1979 , Achille Tramarin , who was then elected secretary of the new party , gave a speech titled Venetian Autonomy and Europe : Today for Venetians the moment has come , after 113 years of Italian unitary colonisation , to take their natural and human resources back , to fight against the wild exploitation that brought poverty , emigration , pollution and uprooting from their culture . European integration was seen as an opportunity to",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "give Veneto its autonomy back .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Rocchetta , who left the party in 1994 after a power struggle and has since become a bitter critic of his former colleagues in the name of pure Venetism , conceived the LV as a libertarian , secular and Europeanist party . The promotion the re-discovery the Republic of Venices heritage , traditions , culture , and especially Venetian language , and opposition to the displacement of Mafia inmates in Veneto were key goals of the party since its foundation .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The LV is aimed to unite all Venetians who support autonomy for Veneto and federal reform . For this reason it tends to be a multi-ideological catch-all party , following what Umberto Bossi stated in 1982 to his early followers of Lega Lombarda : It does not matter how old are you , what your job is and what your political tendency : what matters is that you and we are all Lombard . [ ... ] It is as Lombards that , indeed , that we have a fundamental common goal in that face of which our division in",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "parties should fall behind . While the bulk of the original Lega Lombarda ( including Umberto Bossi , Roberto Maroni and Marco Formentini ) came from the left ( Bossi and Maroni were previously active in the Italian Communist Party , Proletarian Democracy and the Greens ) and conceived the party as a centre-left ( and , to some extent , social-democratic ) political force , the LV was characterized more as liberal and centrist party and has always proposed a more libertarian political line .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "This difference reflected also its position in Venetian politics : while , in the early 1990s , the League stole votes especially from the Communists and the Italian Socialist Party , in Veneto the LV basically replaced Christian Democracy as dominant political force . In fact , even though most of the early members of the party came from the centre-right ( Christian Democracy and the Italian Liberal Party ) , there were also people coming from the left such as Giovanni Meo Zilio , Actionist and Socialist partisan in the Italian resistance movement , who was one of the",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "founding fathers of the party , and Rocchetta himself , a former Republican and , later , Communist .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2010–2015 Program . In the run-up to the 2010 regional election , the party released its political platform for the 2010–2015 term .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "Its key words were innovation and modernity . The challenges that Veneto should face in the next decades , said the party , were to enhance internationalization in the era of globalization , to overcome the traditional Venetian policentrism and interpret Veneto as a united and cohesive region : a European region in Italian land . The program stressed also concepts such as Europe of the regions , Europe of citizens , global Veneto , openeness toward the world , green economy , urban planning in respect of the environment , respect for diversity and integration of immigrants , along",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "with the more traditional think globally , act locally . Along these , the core issues of the party , especially autonomism , low taxes , fight against red tape and promotion of Venetian language and culture , were also included in the program . According to the paper , a strong Veneto as that imagined by the party would be a protagonist of federal reform in Italy and Europe .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " The LV has opposed nuclear power plants in Veneto , citing the high population density and the fact that the region is already energetically self-sufficient . Manifesto for a new League .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "In April 2012 some key members from the province of Treviso , led by Giuseppe Covre and Marzio Favero , proposed a Manifesto for the League which will be , which was soon endorsed by Roberto Maroni ( see above ) . The text , divided in eighteen points , was aimed at preparing a new course for the party . The proponents wanted to re-launch the federalist structure of Lega Nord , in spite of the centralisation and leaderism which had long characterized it . Thus , they highlighted the centrality of members , internal democracy , open debate",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and frequent congresses . They also wanted a more open party , especially to intellectuals , economic forces , and associations .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "After many failures in Rome , the party should start building the way toward federalism outside the Parliament , by forming alliances among regions , provinces and municipalities . The party should also adopt a different language : in fact the proponents realized how some xenophobic statements , calls for localistic isolation and invocations of a token traditionalism had damaged the cause and the growth of the League . [ ... ] Local autonomy intended as autarchy is anachronistic , while it must be conceived as a value [ ... ] toward international openness , as the glorious Venetian history",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "tells us! .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "The League should be able to talk to a larger portion of the electorate , by reclaiming the Catholic , socialist , liberal , ecc . strains of ideas and by irrevocably leaving the rusty alternative between right and left behind : For too long the League has been stuck in a contradiction . On one side it has presented itself as a movement for institutional reform and , as such , super partes . On the other it has allowed itself to be absorbed in the right/left dialectic . The real battle today is between idolatry of the state",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": "and federalism , between an artificial institution and the real communities . Neither with the right nor with the left : the League is above .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " 2015–2020 Program . In the run-up of the 2015 regional election the party did not release a platform , leaving room for Luca Zaias government program for the 2015–2020 term . Consistently with Zaias social-democratic political instincts and his fascination for Tony Blairs New Labour , the document had a special focus on labour , welfare and the reform of public services . The platform notably included a commitment to bring forward two referendums , one on autonomy and another on independence .",
"title": "Ideology"
},
{
"text": " Within the party there are no formal factions , yet there are some unofficial groupings .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "Gian Paolo Gobbo and Luca Zaia have long been the leaders of the wing from Treviso , which has its roots in the original Liga Veneta and is more Venetist in character , while the Verona wing , whose standard-bearers have been Flavio Tosi , Federico Bricolo and Lorenzo Fontana , is more conservative and has stronger links with Lega Lombarda . While Lighisti from Venice are usually closer to Gobbo and Zaia , those from Vicenza and Padua are set somewhere in the middle between Treviso and Verona .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " An ideological strain worth of mention is embodied by pure Venetists who stress issues such as Venetian identity and language : they have notably included Massimo Bitonci , Roberto Ciambetti , Stival , Giovanni Furlanetto and Nicola Finco . Gobbo was re-elected secretary in 2007 due to an agreement with Tosi , who was Gobbos strongest rival for the leadership . At the 2012 congress Tosi defeated the Venetists standard-bearer Bitonci , who was supported by 43% of delegates and most MPs .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 in the party were outraged when Tosi , as mayor of Verona , announced that he was going to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Italian unification and declared that Italian unity was a good thing . Gobbo promptly disavowed Tosi and confirmed that the party was opposed to any celebration . Tosi was criticised also by other party bigwigs , such as Francesca Martini , while Furlanetto proposed the ejection of Tosi from the party . In early 2012 another friction was caused by Tosis decision to present a personal list , alongside the partys one , in",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the forthcoming Verona municipal election and his intention to drop its traditional ally , The People of Freedom . Not only Gobbo opposed the move by Tosi , but he also took the opportunity to describe Tosis views on Italy and Padania as heresy .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "It is difficult to say who was more conservative or liberal between Tosi and Zaia , who have often exchanged their positions within the party . Tosi was a more traditional conservative-liberal , while Zaia , while being a centrist , has resembled a green-populist position on environmental issues , nuclear power , GMOs , etc . In occasion of the 2011 referendums , Zaia declared his support for three referenda aimed at blocking the return to nuclear energy and the privatisation of water services . Needless to say , Tosi declared himself a keen nuclearist and a supporter of",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": "the free market instead . At the federal level of the party , Tosi was a long-time ally of Roberto Maroni .",
"title": "Factions"
},
{
"text": " The party has its strongholds in the provinces of the Pedemontana ( 40–60% of the vote ) , that is to say the area at the feet of the Venetian Prealps .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional election the party did well in most of the region , but had its best results in Luca Zaias province of Treviso ( 48.5% ) . Treviso was followed by Vicenza ( 38.1% ) , Verona ( 36.1% ) , Belluno ( 32.8% ) , Padua ( 31.4% ) , Venice ( 26.1% ) and Rovigo ( 22.7% ) . The partys urban strongholds were in the cities of Treviso ( 35.4% ) , Schio ( 34.8% ) , San Donà di Piave ( 32.8% ) , Bassano del Grappa ( 31.2% ) , Verona (",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "30.4% ) , Belluno ( 27.0% ) , Vicenza ( 26.1% ) and Padua ( 25.4% ) .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "In the 2015 general election the party , which fielded the official list and one named after Zaia , did even better : 57.3% in the province of Treviso , 45.4% in Vicenza , 42.5% in Padua , 37.9% in Venice , 35.9% in Belluno and 32.9% in Rovigo ; it did worse only in Verona , Flavio Tosis heartland , with 28.4% . In urban areas , the party won 46.2% in Bassano del Grappa , 44.9% in Treviso , 43.7% in San Donà di Piave , 39.1% in Schio , 36.7% in Vicenza , 35.5% in Padua ,",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": "32.6% in Venice and 32.1% in Belluno .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " The electoral results of Liga Veneta in Veneto since 1983 are shown in the table below .",
"title": "Popular support"
},
{
"text": " <onlyinclude> - National Secretary : Achille Tramarin ( 1980−1983 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1983−1984 ) , Franco Rocchetta ( 1984−1985 ) , Marilena Marin ( 1985−1994 ) , Fabrizio Comencini ( 1994−1998 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1998−2012 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2012−2015 ) , Gianpaolo Dozzo ( federal commissioner , 2015–2016 ) , Gianantonio Da Re ( 2016–2019 ) , Lorenzo Fontana ( federal commissioner , 2019–2020 ) , Alberto Stefani ( federal commissioner , 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": "- National President : Franco Rocchetta ( 1991−1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994−1998 ) , Giuseppe Ceccato ( 1998–1999 ) , Manuela Dal Lago ( 2001−2008 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2008−2012 ) , Luca Baggio ( 2012–2015 ) , Massimo Bitonci ( 2016–2019 ) </onlyinclude>",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " - Party Leader in the Regional Council : Franco Rocchetta ( 1985–1994 ) , Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–2000 ) , Flavio Tosi ( 2000–2002 ) , Franco Manzato ( 2002–2008 ) , Gianpaolo Bottacin ( 2008–2009 ) , Roberto Ciambetti ( 2009–2010 ) , Federico Caner ( 2010–2015 ) , Nicola Finco ( 2015–2020 ) , Giuseppe Pan ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Leadership"
},
{
"text": " The party has 24 deputies , 9 senators , 33 regional councillors and dozens of mayors , including those of Treviso , Castelfranco Veneto and Montebelluna . A member of Liga Veneta has served as President of Veneto : - Luca Zaia ( 2010–present ) Members of Liga Veneta have served as Vice President of Veneto : - Gian Paolo Gobbo ( 1994–1995 ) - Luca Zaia ( 2005–2008 ) - Franco Manzato ( 2008–2010 ) - Gianluca Forcolin ( 2015–2020 ) - Elisa De Berti ( 2020–present )",
"title": "Notable members"
},
{
"text": "Members of Liga Veneta have served as President of the Regional Council of Veneto :",
"title": "Notable members"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#0
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command between Feb 1999 and May 1999?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"Admiral Harold Gehman"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#1
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command between Aug 2001 and Sep 2001?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"General Buck Kernan"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#2
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command between Sep 2002 and May 2004?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"Admiral Edmund Giambastiani"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#3
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command between Feb 2005 and Mar 2006?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"General Lance Smith"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#4
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command in late 2000s?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"General Jim Mattis"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/United_States_Joint_Forces_Command#P1037#5
|
Who directed or managed United States Joint Forces Command in May 2010?
|
United States Joint Forces Command United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 . History . USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority . In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing solutions . Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration . Mission . United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities . Organization . USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM ) , Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) . USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners . The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer . Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible . Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate . As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training . Disestablishment . US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011 , the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 . Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 . Former commanders . - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 ) External links . - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation
|
[
"General Ray Odierno"
] |
[
{
"text": " United States Joint Forces Command ( USJFCOM ) was a Unified Combatant Command of the United States Department of Defense . USJFCOM was a functional command that provided specific services to the military . The last commander was Army Gen . Ray Odierno . As directed by the President to identify opportunities to cut costs and rebalance priorities , Defense Secretary Robert Gates recommended that USJFCOM be disestablished and its essential functions reassigned to other unified combatant commands . Formal disestablishment occurred on 4 August 2011 .",
"title": "United States Joint Forces Command"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM was formed in 1999 when the old United States Atlantic Command was renamed and given a new mission : leading the transformation of the Department of Defense through experimentation and education . USLANTCOM had been active from 1947 to 1993 as a primarily U.S . Navy command , focused upon the wartime defence of the Atlantic sea lanes against Soviet Union attack . After the end of the Cold War , a 1993 reorganization gave the Command a new acronym , USACOM , and brought United States Army Forces Command and Air Combat Command under its authority .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "In late 2004 , U.S . Joint Forces Command assumed the role of primary conventional force provider . This landmark change assigned nearly all U.S . conventional forces to Joint Forces Command . Requirements , for example , for U.S . service personnel to support the transformation of the Armed Forces of Liberia , were fed to JFCOM , in this case via Africa Command , and JFCOM liaised with the service staffs to obtain available forces . Along with this responsibility came the task to develop a new risk-assessment process that provided national leaders a worldwide perspective on force-sourcing",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "solutions .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": " Its operations and exercises included Noble Resolve , an experimentation campaign plan to enhance homeland defense and improve military support to civil authorities in advance of and following natural and man-made disasters and Empire Challenge , an annual intelligence , surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) interoperability demonstration .",
"title": "History"
},
{
"text": "United States Joint Forces Command was the only combatant command focused on the transformation of U.S . military capabilities . The commander of USJFCOM oversaw the commands four primary roles in transformation – joint concept development and experimentation , joint training , joint interoperability and integration , and the primary conventional force provider as outlined in the Unified Command Plan approved by the President . Its Unified Command Plan designated USJFCOM as the transformation laboratory of the United States military to enhance the combatant commanders capabilities to implement the presidents strategy . USJFCOM developed joint operational concepts , tested those",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "concepts through rigorous experimentation , educated joint leaders , trained joint task force commanders and staffs , and recommended joint solutions to the Army , Navy , Air Force and Marines to better integrate their warfighting capabilities .",
"title": "Mission"
},
{
"text": "USJFCOM included members from each branch of the U.S . military , civil servants , contract employees , and consultants . It had four component commands , a sub-unified command ( Special Operations component is SOCJFCOM and eight subordinate activities , including : Joint Warfighting Center ; Joint Systems Integration Center ; Joint Transformation Command for Intelligence ; and Joint Warfare Analysis Center ( JWAC ) . JFCOMs Service components were the CONUS based commands that provided forces to other combatant commands : United States Army Forces Command ( FORSCOM ) , United States Fleet Forces Command ( USFLTFORCOM )",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": ", Air Combat Command ( ACC ) , and United States Marine Corps Forces Command ( MARFORCOM ) .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " USJFCOM Joint Concept Development and Experimentation ( JCD&E ) ( J9 ) aimed to develop innovative joint concepts and capabilities providing experimentally proven solutions to the most pressing problems facing the joint force . It aimed to rapidly deliver operationally relevant solutions to support current operations and drive DOTMLPF and policy changes to better enable the future joint force . JCD&E aimed to provide thought leadership and collaborative environments to generate innovative ideas with a range of interagency , multinational , academic and private sector partners .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "The C2 ( Command and Control ) Core was a DoD project sponsored by Joint Forces Command and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense/Network and Information Integration ( OASD/NII ) to develop an open standard-supporting , extensible markup language ( XML ) -based command and control ( C2 ) data exchange . It represents the first major implementation of the Universal Core v2.0 , a federal information sharing initiative . It supports the DoD Net Centric Data Strategy by enabling data to be visible , accessible , understandable , trustworthy and interoperable . The overarching goal of this",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "project is to support national and coalition warfighters by improving joint interoperability at the data and information layer .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": " Accomplishing these strategic goals within the C2 community involves publishing and evolving agreed-upon standards that exchange partners ( services and , down the line , combatant commands and agencies ) can use to share data more broadly , efficiently and effectively . The C2 Core standards also link C2 design guidance emerging at both the DoD enterprise level and within multiple C2-related communities of interest and programs of record to support the broadest range of interoperability requirements possible .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "Among the commands many directorates and departments was Project Alpha , a JFCOM rapid idea analysis group created to identify high-impact ideas from industry , academia and the defense community that could transform the United States Department of Defense into an organization better equipped to deal with the uncertain landscape of the future . Project Alpha was discontinued as part of an internal reorganization of U.S . Joint Forces Commands Joint Experimentation Directorate .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "As of 1 August 2011 , the Joint Warfighting Center ( J7 ) , Joint Center for Operational Analysis , and the Joint Concept Development and Experimentation directorate ( J9 ) merged and transitioned from Joint Forces Command to the Joint Staff J7 as part of USJFCOMs disestablishment . The new organization created by this merger will remain in Suffolk , Va. , and be known as the deputy director J7 for joint and coalition warfighting , a subordinate element of the Joint Staff J7 . We will continue our mission to provide comprehensive training that meets demands of the",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "joint warfighter who continue to engage our adversaries in an ever-changing operational environment , said Army Maj . Gen . Frederick S . Rudesheim , deputy director for joint and coalition warfighting . Key functions and missions will be linked together in a more efficient and effective manner , providing an integrated approach to joint development and joint training .",
"title": "Organization"
},
{
"text": "US Joint Forces command was in charge of the theater surrounding Washington , DC and New York during the 9/11 attacks . During a cost cutting session , General Mattis , then in command of JFCOM suggested to disband because in his interviews with his own staff it was clear to him that most did not see added value . On 9 August 2010 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates announced that Joint Forces Command has been slated for elimination as a budget-saving measure . General Ray Odierno was given the task of winding down JFCOM . On 6 January 2011",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": ", the plan was officially approved in a memorandum by President Obama . On 4 August 2011 , Joint Forces Command cased its flag colors and officially disestablished on 31 August 2011 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " Special Operations Command Joint Forces Command ( SOCJFCOM ) was transferred to U.S . Special Operations Command after the disestablishment of JFCOM , but was then disestablished in 2013 .",
"title": "Disestablishment"
},
{
"text": " - Admiral Harold Gehman , USN ( 1999–2000 ) - General Buck Kernan , USA ( 2000–2002 ) - Admiral Edmund Giambastiani , USN ( 2002–2005 ) - General Lance Smith , USAF ( 2005–2007 ) - General Jim Mattis , USMC ( 2007–2010 ) - Lieutenant General Keith Huber , USA ( 2010 ) ( Acting ) - General Ray Odierno , USA ( 2010–2011 )",
"title": "Former commanders"
},
{
"text": " - USJFCOM official site - Small Wars Journal stitch-together of news articles covering JFCOM deactivation",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Elijah_Cummings#P69#0
|
Elijah Cummings went to which school between Jan 1968 and Mar 1968?
|
Elijah Cummings Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 . Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career . Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore . Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science . Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election . For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates . Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees . In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives . Committee assignments . - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress ) In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a vote of the House Democratic Caucus . In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair . Caucus memberships . - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress . Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry . Legislation . Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents . He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns . He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases . In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together . Tenure . Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle . Political campaigns . The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right . He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 . Personal life . Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 . In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student . Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death . Death . Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 . Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol at around 8:35 pm . On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service . Political positions . Healthcare . Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option . Marijuana . Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol . Honors and awards . Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include : Honorary degrees . - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees
|
[
"Baltimore City College high school"
] |
[
{
"text": "Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress )",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "vote of the House Democratic Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": "He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": " Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "at around 8:35 pm .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol .",
"title": "Marijuana"
},
{
"text": " Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include :",
"title": "Honors and awards"
},
{
"text": " - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees",
"title": "Honorary degrees"
}
] |
/wiki/Elijah_Cummings#P69#1
|
Elijah Cummings went to which school in 1969?
|
Elijah Cummings Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 . Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career . Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore . Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science . Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election . For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates . Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees . In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives . Committee assignments . - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress ) In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a vote of the House Democratic Caucus . In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair . Caucus memberships . - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress . Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry . Legislation . Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents . He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns . He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases . In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together . Tenure . Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle . Political campaigns . The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right . He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 . Personal life . Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 . In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student . Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death . Death . Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 . Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol at around 8:35 pm . On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service . Political positions . Healthcare . Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option . Marijuana . Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol . Honors and awards . Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include : Honorary degrees . - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees
|
[
"Howard University"
] |
[
{
"text": "Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress )",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "vote of the House Democratic Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": "He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": " Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "at around 8:35 pm .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol .",
"title": "Marijuana"
},
{
"text": " Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include :",
"title": "Honors and awards"
},
{
"text": " - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees",
"title": "Honorary degrees"
}
] |
/wiki/Elijah_Cummings#P69#2
|
Elijah Cummings went to which school after Dec 1973?
|
Elijah Cummings Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 . Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career . Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore . Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science . Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election . For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates . Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees . In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives . Committee assignments . - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress ) In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a vote of the House Democratic Caucus . In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair . Caucus memberships . - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress . Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry . Legislation . Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents . He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns . He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases . In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together . Tenure . Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle . Political campaigns . The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right . He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 . Personal life . Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 . In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student . Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death . Death . Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 . Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol at around 8:35 pm . On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service . Political positions . Healthcare . Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option . Marijuana . Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol . Honors and awards . Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include : Honorary degrees . - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees
|
[
"University of Maryland School of Law"
] |
[
{
"text": "Elijah Eugene Cummings ( January 18 , 1951October 17 , 2019 ) was an American politician and civil rights advocate who served in the United States House of Representatives for from 1996 until his death in 2019 , when he was succeeded by his predecessor Kweisi Mfume . The district he represented included over half of the city of Baltimore , including most of the majority-black precincts of Baltimore County , and most of Howard County , Maryland . A member of the Democratic Party , Cummings previously served in the Maryland House of Delegates from 1983 to 1996 .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings served as the chair of the Committee on Oversight and Reform from January 2019 until his death in October of the same year . He was succeeded by fellow Democrat Carolyn Maloney to chair the committee . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings was born on January 18 , 1951 , in Baltimore , son of Ruth Elma ( ) and Robert Cummings . His parents were sharecroppers . He was the third child of seven . When he was 11 years old , Cummings and some friends worked to integrate a segregated swimming pool in South Baltimore .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " Cummings graduated with honors from the Baltimore City College high school in 1969 . He then attended Howard University in Washington , D.C. , where he served in the student government as sophomore class president , student government treasurer , and later student government president . He became a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society and graduated in 1973 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings graduated from law school at the University of Maryland School of Law , receiving his Juris Doctor in 1976 , and was admitted to the bar in Maryland later that year . He practiced law for 19 years before first being elected to the United States House of Representatives in the 1996 election .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " For 14 years , Cummings served in the Maryland House of Delegates . His predecessor , Lena King Lee , raised funds and campaigned for him ; years later , Cummings credited her with launching his political career . In the Maryland General Assembly , he served as Chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus of Maryland and was the first African American in Maryland history to be named Speaker Pro Tempore , the second highest position in the House of Delegates .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": "Cummings also served on several boards and commissions , both in and out of Baltimore . Those include SEED Schools of Maryland Board of Directors and the University of Maryland Law School Board of Advisors . He served on numerous Maryland boards and commissions including the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel . He was an honorary member of the Baltimore Zoo Board of Trustees .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " In addition to his speaking engagements , he wrote a biweekly column for the Baltimore Afro-American newspaper . Congressman Elijah Cummings was a member of Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and a Prince Hall Mason . U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Elijah Cummings"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure - Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines and Hazardous Materials - Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Chair ) - Subcommittee on Domestic Policy . - Subcommittee on Federal Workforce , Post Office , and District of Columbia . - Select Committee on Benghazi ( Ranking Minority Member 114th Congress )",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "In December 2010 , Edolphus Towns announced that he would not seek the position of ranking minority member of the Oversight Committee in the next Congress , even though his seniority and service as chair would typically result in his filling this post . Reportedly , Towns withdrew because of a lack of support from Nancy Pelosi who feared that he would not be a sufficiently aggressive leader of Democrats in an anticipated struggle with incoming committee chair Republican Darrell Issa . Reportedly , the White House also wanted Towns to be replaced . Cummings defeated Carolyn Maloney in a",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "vote of the House Democratic Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " In his role as chair of the Oversight Committee , Cummings presided over the first public testimony by President Trumps former lawyer , Michael Cohen , and was a leading figure in the impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump . Carolyn Maloney was named acting chair by Speaker Nancy Pelosi , and won the subsequent election in the Democratic caucus to serve as permanent chair .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Task Force on Health Care Reform - Co-founder and Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Drug Policy - Congressional Arts Caucus - Afterschool Caucuses Cummings was a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus . He served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus during the 108th United States Congress .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Cummings received praise following the congressional panel hearings on steroids in 2008 . While investigating the use of steroids in sports , the panel called numerous baseball players to testify , including former single season home run record holder Mark McGwire . After McGwire answered many questions in a vague fashion , Cummings demanded to know if he was taking the Fifth , referring to the Fifth Amendment . McGwire responded by saying , I am here to talk about the future , not about the past . The exchange came to epitomize the entire inquiry .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " Cummings introduced the Presidential and Federal Records Act Amendments of 2014 , a bipartisan bill signed into law by then-President Barack Obama in December 2014 . The bill , which Cummings co-sponsored with Representative Darrell Issa , ( R-California ) , is a set of amendments to the Federal Records Act and Presidential Records Act . Among other provisions , the bill modernizes the definition of a federal record to expressly include electronic documents .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He supported the Smart Savings Act , a bill that would make the default investment in the Thrift Savings Plan ( TSP ) an age-appropriate target date asset allocation investment fund ( L Fund ) instead of the Government Securities Investment Fund ( G Fund ) . Cummings called the bill a commonsense change and argued that the bill will enable workers to take full advantage of a diversified fund designed to yield higher returns .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "He introduced the All Circuit Review Extension Act , a bill that would extend for three years the authority for federal employees who appeal a judgment of the Merit Systems Protection Board ( MSPB ) to file their appeal at any U.S . circuit court of appeals , instead of only the U.S . Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit . Cummings said that this program is important to extend because it allows whistleblowers to file appeals where they live rather than being limited to the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals . He also said that the Federal Circuit",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": "Court of Appeals has an abysmal track record in whistleblower cases .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " In remarks at the 2016 Democratic National Convention , Cummings declared : Our party does not just believe , but understands , that Black Lives Matter . But we also recognize that our community and our law enforcement work best when they work together .",
"title": "Legislation"
},
{
"text": " Rep . Cummings was shown to be very passionate and dedicated in his beliefs , and could often be seen becoming emotional in public as a result . Cummings was seemingly very agreeable as well . According to many , Cummings would often befriend members of the Republican Party , and was highly respected by both sides of the aisle .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The five-term Congressman for Marylands 7th congressional district , Kweisi Mfume , resigned in February 1996 to take the presidency of the NAACP . Cummings won a crowded twenty-seven-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic , black-majority district—with 37.5% of the vote . In the special election , he defeated Republican Kenneth Kondner with over 80 percent of the vote . He defeated Kondner again in November by a similar margin to win the seat in his own right .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": "He was reelected 11 more times in the contests which followed , never dropping below 69 percent of the vote . He ran unopposed in 2006 .",
"title": "Political campaigns"
},
{
"text": " Cummings lived in the Madison Park community in Baltimore and was an active member of the New Psalmist Baptist Church . He married Joyce Matthews , with whom he had a daughter , Jennifer J . Cummings . He had a son and a daughter , Adia Cummings , from other relationships . He married Maya Rockeymoore Cummings in 2009 , who was elected chairwoman of the Maryland Democratic Party in December 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In June 2011 , his nephew Christopher Cummings , son of his brother James , was murdered at his off-campus house near Old Dominion University in Norfolk , Virginia , where he was a student .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Cummings underwent surgery to repair his aortic valve in May 2017 and was absent from Capitol Hill for two months . In July 2017 , he developed a surgery-related infection but returned to work . Cummings was later hospitalized for a knee infection . Cummings was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer called thymic carcinoma in 1994 while serving as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates . It was revealed in November 2019 that Cummings had lived with the cancer for 25 years , though it was not stated as the cause of death .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " Elijah Cummings died on October 17 , 2019 , at Johns Hopkins Hospital at the age of 68 from complications concerning longstanding health challenges , his spokeswoman stated . Before his funeral service on October 25 at Baltimores New Psalmist Baptist Church , where he was a member for 40 years , Cummings lay in state at the U.S . Capitol Buildings Statuary Hall on October 24 .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "Cummings is the first African American lawmaker to achieve the honor of lying in state at the nations Capitol . Prior to his death , the most recent people to lie in state were former President George H . W . Bush in December 2018 and Sen . John McCain , R-Ariz . Following a state funeral which was attended by family and members of Congress , thousands of public mourners were seen entering the U.S . Capitol to see his casket and received greetings from his widow , Maya Rockeymoore-Cummings . His casket departed from the U.S . Capitol",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": "at around 8:35 pm .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " On October 25 , 2019 , the official funeral for Cummings was held at the New Psalmist Baptist Church in Baltimore . Many political figures , including former Presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton , former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , former Vice President Joe Biden , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , John Lewis , Amy Klobuchar , Elizabeth Warren , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , and Kweisi Mfume attended the funeral service .",
"title": "Death"
},
{
"text": " Representative Cummings was in favor of single-payer healthcare . While he supported The Affordable Care Act , he believed the legislation should have added a public option .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Cummings believed that marijuana should be legalized and taxed at the same rate as alcohol .",
"title": "Marijuana"
},
{
"text": " Cummings was awarded many honors and awards in recognition of his political career . These include :",
"title": "Honors and awards"
},
{
"text": " - Cummings received 13 honorary doctoral degrees from universities across the United States , most recently an honorary doctorate of public service from the University of Maryland , College Park in 2017 . - Honorary degrees",
"title": "Honorary degrees"
}
] |
/wiki/Jeff_Denham#P69#0
|
Which school did Jeff Denham go to before Mar 1984?
|
Jeff Denham Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 . From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia . During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service . In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) . Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote . California State Senate . Elections . - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote . - 2008 recall attempt In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile . - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress . Tenure . During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators . Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) . Committee assignments . Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012 After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent . Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016 Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups . - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring . Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race . The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day . Tenure . In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes . Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business . In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure . Committee assignments . - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus . Political positions . As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) . Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support . Tax reform . In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.” Employment . Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work . Animal rights . In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture . He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child to a dogfight or cockfight . In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.” Drug policy . Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 . Environment . As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters . Economic issues . Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default . Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade . Healthcare . On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill . During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters . High-speed rail . Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said . Immigration . In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals . In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children . In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for . Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea . Water supply . In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.” Social issues . In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race . Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November . FEMA reforms . On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote . Personal life . Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County . External links . - Join California Jeff Denham
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{
"text": " Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 recall attempt",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.”",
"title": "Tax reform"
},
{
"text": " Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work .",
"title": "Employment"
},
{
"text": "In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "to a dogfight or cockfight .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": " In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.”",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": "Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 .",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": " As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters .",
"title": "Environment"
},
{
"text": " Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said .",
"title": "High-speed rail"
},
{
"text": " In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.”",
"title": "Water supply"
},
{
"text": " In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote .",
"title": "FEMA reforms"
},
{
"text": " Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Join California Jeff Denham",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Jeff_Denham#P69#1
|
Which school did Jeff Denham go to between Nov 1988 and Dec 1988?
|
Jeff Denham Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 . From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia . During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service . In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) . Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote . California State Senate . Elections . - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote . - 2008 recall attempt In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile . - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress . Tenure . During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators . Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) . Committee assignments . Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012 After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent . Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016 Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups . - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring . Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race . The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day . Tenure . In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes . Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business . In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure . Committee assignments . - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus . Political positions . As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) . Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support . Tax reform . In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.” Employment . Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work . Animal rights . In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture . He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child to a dogfight or cockfight . In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.” Drug policy . Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 . Environment . As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters . Economic issues . Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default . Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade . Healthcare . On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill . During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters . High-speed rail . Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said . Immigration . In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals . In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children . In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for . Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea . Water supply . In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.” Social issues . In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race . Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November . FEMA reforms . On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote . Personal life . Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County . External links . - Join California Jeff Denham
|
[
"Victor Valley College"
] |
[
{
"text": " Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 recall attempt",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.”",
"title": "Tax reform"
},
{
"text": " Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work .",
"title": "Employment"
},
{
"text": "In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "to a dogfight or cockfight .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": " In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.”",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": "Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 .",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": " As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters .",
"title": "Environment"
},
{
"text": " Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said .",
"title": "High-speed rail"
},
{
"text": " In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.”",
"title": "Water supply"
},
{
"text": " In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote .",
"title": "FEMA reforms"
},
{
"text": " Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Join California Jeff Denham",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Jeff_Denham#P69#2
|
Which school did Jeff Denham go to in May 1991?
|
Jeff Denham Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 . From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia . During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service . In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) . Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote . California State Senate . Elections . - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote . - 2008 recall attempt In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile . - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress . Tenure . During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators . Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) . Committee assignments . Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012 After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent . Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016 Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups . - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring . Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race . The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day . Tenure . In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes . Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business . In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure . Committee assignments . - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus . Political positions . As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) . Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support . Tax reform . In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.” Employment . Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work . Animal rights . In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture . He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child to a dogfight or cockfight . In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.” Drug policy . Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 . Environment . As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters . Economic issues . Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default . Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade . Healthcare . On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill . During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters . High-speed rail . Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said . Immigration . In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals . In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children . In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for . Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea . Water supply . In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.” Social issues . In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race . Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November . FEMA reforms . On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote . Personal life . Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County . External links . - Join California Jeff Denham
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Jeffrey John Denham ( born July 29 , 1967 ) is an American politician , United States Air Force veteran , and businessman . A member of the Republican Party , he served as the U.S . Representative for from 2013 to 2019 . Denham first won election to the U.S . House in 2010 , representing for one term before redistricting led him to run in the 10th district in 2012 .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "From 2002 to 2010 , Denham served in the California State Senate , representing the 12th District , which includes Madera , Merced , Monterey , San Benito , and Stanislaus counties . Prior to seeking political office , Denham served on active and reserve status in the United States Air Force for 16 years , and served in both Operation Desert Storm in Iraq and Operation Restore Hope in Somalia .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " During his congressional tenure , Denham was active in immigration issues , notably in the effort to draft and pass legislation that would successfully resolve the status of Dreamers . Denham was narrowly defeated in his 2018 bid for re-election by Democrat Josh Harder and became a lobbyist for K&L Gates . Early life , education , and military service .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": "In 1984 , at age 17 , Denham enlisted in the United States Air Force . He served on active and reserve status for 16 years as a tactical aircraft maintenance specialist , during which he received the Meritorious Service Medal for his service during Operation Desert Storm ( Iraq ) and Operation Restore Hope ( Somalia ) .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " Denham received an associate degree from Victor Valley College in 1989 and a B.A . in political science from California Polytechnic State University , San Luis Obispo , in 1992 . He has worked as a farmer and started a plastics container company to ship produce . 2000 State Assembly campaign . In 2000 , Denham ran for the California State Assembly against City Councilman Simon Salinas , a Democrat . A total of $2.5 million was spent in the race . Salinas defeated Denham with 52% of the vote .",
"title": "Jeff Denham"
},
{
"text": " - 2002 Denham ran for the State Senate in 2002 against former Democratic State Assemblyman Rusty Areias . The race featured a number of negative political advertisements and was one of the most expensive legislative races in state history , with over $6.3 million spent . Denhams campaign highlighted Areiass financial difficulties , including unpaid taxes and did not focus on Areiass state policy positions . Denhams negative campaign tactics drew widespread criticism , including from fellow Republicans . - 2006 In November 2006 , Denham won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2008 recall attempt",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "In 2008 , a recall effort was instigated against Denham by Democrat Don Perata after Denham declined to cast a deadlock-breaking vote on the state budget . Supporters of the recall turned in more than 60,000 signatures with the recall scheduled to appear on the ballot on June 3 , 2008 . In early May , Perata called off the efforts to recall Denham after it showed signs of backfiring , but the election was already on the ballot . Denham easily survived the recall by a 75.4% to 24.6% margin . Denham himself speculated that the recall effort actually",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "helped , rather than hurt , his political career by raising his profile .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2009 Lieutenant Governor and State Assembly campaigns Denham announced in December 2008 that he would be a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of California in the 2010 election . He ended his campaign soon after Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger , in November 2009 , appointed Republican State Senator Abel Maldonado to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi , a Democrat , who was elected to Congress .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " During his time in the state legislature , Denham focused his efforts on education , agriculture and job creation . He called for a reduction in government waste in Sacramento , better use of state surplus assets , and a crackdown on sexual predators .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denhams awards include Legislator of the Year by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2004 ) , Outstanding Legislator by the California State Sheriffs Association ( 2005 ) , Legislator of the Year by the California Small Business Association ( 2005 ) , Most Progressive Law Enforcement Leader of the Year by A Womans Place of Merced ( 2005 ) , and California Teachers Association Gold Award ( 2005 ) .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " Denhams committee assignments in the California State Senate included : - Business , Professions and Economic Development - Education - Agriculture - Veterans Affairs - Governmental Organization U.S . House of Representatives .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - 2010 In December 2009 , seven-term U.S . Congressman George Radanovich announced he would retire due to health reasons . He endorsed Denham as his successor in . In the Republican primary , Denham defeated Fresno mayor Jim Patterson , former U.S . Congressman Richard Pombo , and Fresno City Councilman Larry Westerlund 36%–31%–21%–12% . In the 2010 general election , Denham defeated Democrat Loraine Goodwin with 65% of the vote . - 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "After redistricting , much of the old 19th became the 16th District , which was significantly more Democratic than its successor . Meanwhile , much of the northwestern portion of the old 19th ( e.g . Turlock , Riverbank , Oakdale , and the rest of northeastern Stanislaus county ) was transferred to the 10th District . That district had previously been the 18th District , represented by retiring five-term Democrat Dennis Cardoza . The new 10th included all of Stanislaus County and the southern portion of San Joaquin County ( including Tracy and Manteca ) . It also included",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denhams home in Atwater , which had been just outside the old 19ths boundaries . Members of the House are only required to live in the state they wish to represent .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Former NASA astronaut José M . Hernández ran against him as the Democratic candidate . The 10th was considered a swing district in the 2012 election . Denham won with 53% of the vote to Hernándezs 47% . - 2014 In 2014 , Denham ran unopposed in the Republican primary . His Democratic opponent was Michael Eggman . Although the seat was regarded by some as vulnerable earlier in the year , the Rothenberg Political Report ultimately listed the race as Republican Favored and Denham defeated Eggman with 56% of the vote . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Denham ran for re-election in 2016 . He finished first in the top-two primary on June 7 , 2016 , and again faced Eggman in the general election on November 8 , 2016 . Denham won re-election with 52.4% of the vote to Eggmans 47.6% . More than $11 million was spent on the race , mostly from outside groups .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 In May 2017 , investor Josh Harder became the third Democrat to announce that he would challenge Denham in 2018 . He said he would focus on job creation and economic opportunity . There just not a lot of opportunities for entry-level positions , Harder said . What we need [ is ] a better , positive vision for what the economic development of the valley can bring .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Challenging Denham for the Republican nomination was veterinarian Ted Howze , who criticized Denhams support for what critics characterized as amnesty for illegal immigrants . Denham came in first in the top-two primary , with 37.8% of the vote . Denham was one of ten military veterans to whose campaigns Ambassador John Boltons PAC gave $10,000 apiece during the 2018 race .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "The Modesto Bee wrote on May 12 , 2018 , that Jeff Denham is going to be hard to beat . By this point , the original field of Democratic candidates had been cut in half from ten . In addition to Harder , they included Sue Zwahlen , a former emergency room nurse and school board member ; Michael Eggman , a former farmer who had challenged Denham in 2014 and 2016 ; Virginia Madueño , the former mayor of Riverbank , California ; and Michael Barkley . Harder was endorsed by former President Barack Obama . Harder won",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "the Democratic nomination with 16.7% of the primary vote and faced Denham in the general election . Harder defeated Denham in a closely contested race , receiving 51.3% of the vote to Denhams 48.7% in a race that was not called until a week after election day .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Denham hosted a town hall meeting in Turlock , which approximately 1,000 constituents attended . When a constituent asked for him to support the release of Donald Trumps tax returns , Denham said Im not going to ask the previous president that I served under to show his birth certificate any more than I am going to ask this president to show his taxes .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted in favor of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Denham described the bill as a win for the Valley he represents and he said everyone will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018 . Denham said he believed the bill would grow local agricultural business .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " In 2018 , Denham made a bid to lead the United States House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " - Transportation and Infrastructure Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Development , Public Buildings and Emergency Management - Subcommittee on Railroads , Pipelines , and Hazardous Materials , Chairman - Subcommittee on Water Resources and Environment - Veterans Affairs Committee - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Health - Agriculture Committee - Subcommittee on Horticulture , Research , Biotechnology , and Foreign Agriculture - Subcommittee on Livestock , Rural Development , and Credit Denham was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership and the U.S.-Japan Caucus .",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": "As of January 2018 , Denham had voted with his party in 90.5% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trumps position in 98.3% of votes . He ranked #43 out of 433 members of Congress in the number of times he had voted against his partys position . In the 114th United States Congress , Denham was ranked as the 41st most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the second most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from California ) in the Bipartisan Index",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship ( by measuring the frequency each members bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each members co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party ) .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " Denham was a close ally of then-House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "Vote Smart , a non-profit , non-partisan research organization that collects and distributes information on candidates for public office in the United States , researched presidential and congressional candidates public records to determine candidates likely responses on certain key issues . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Denham generally supported pro-life legislation , opposed an income tax increase , supported mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders , supported lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposed requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supported government funding for the",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "development of renewable energy , opposed the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposed gun-control legislation , supported repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposed same-sex marriage , and supported increased American intervention in Iraq and Syria beyond air support .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Denham helped the Republican Party pass the Trump tax bill , which he called “a historic milestone” that would simplify the tax code , improve the economy , and reduce families tax burdens . “Congress has delivered on our promise to lower taxes for the middle class,” he said , calling the bill “a win for the valley and for everyone who will see an increase in their paychecks in 2018.” He celebrated the doubled child tax credit and said the law would make local growers “more globally competitive.”",
"title": "Tax reform"
},
{
"text": " Appearing on NPR in May 2018 , he spoke up for the stricter requirements for food stamps in the new farm bill , which he said would encourage able-bodied people without children to take care of at home to find work .",
"title": "Employment"
},
{
"text": "In September 2014 , the Humane Society Legislative Fund endorsed Denham . The HSLFs Wayne Pacelle said Denham was “leading the charge on some of the most important animal protection issues in Washington.” In the 113th Congress , Denham was the lead sponsor of the Pets on Trains Act ( H.R . 2066 ) , which required Amtrak to allow companion animals on some passenger trains . He led the effort in the House Agriculture Committee to defeat the “King amendment,” which would nullify hundreds of state and local laws on food safety , animal welfare , and agriculture .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "He was a lead sponsor of the Egg Products Inspection Act Amendments ( H.R . 1731 ) , which would improve the treatment of hundreds of millions of laying hens . He co-sponsored the Prevent All Soring Tactics ( PAST ) Act ( H.R . 1518 ) to strengthen the federal law against the use of caustic chemicals to on the hooves and legs of show horses to induce a high-stepping gait . He also co-sponsored the Animal Fighting Spectator Prohibition Act ( H.R . 366 ) , which made it a federal crime to attend or bring a child",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "to a dogfight or cockfight .",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": " In April 2018 , Denham introduced a law that would forbid the consumption of dog or cat meat . “If passed,” reported the Washington Post , “the ban would send a clear signal that the United States condemns the dog and cat meat trades in East Asia.” Denham said that the law would signal “that the U.S . will not tolerate this disturbing practice in our country” and would demonstrate “our unity with other nations that have banned dog and cat meat , and it bolsters existing international efforts to crack down on the practice worldwide.”",
"title": "Animal rights"
},
{
"text": "Denham had a D rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He was active in working with law enforcement to halt illegal growing of cannabis . Denham opposed the legalization of recreational marijuana , saying that legalizing drugs , including marijuana , is a detriment to society and will endanger future generations . He voted for allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation , the second time the Veterans Equal",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": "Access Amendment was introduced in 2016 .",
"title": "Drug policy"
},
{
"text": " As of January 2018 , he had a 6% lifetime score from the environmental advocacy group the League of Conservation Voters .",
"title": "Environment"
},
{
"text": " Denham had argued that the national deficit is the biggest issue for the United States , and called it a threat to the nations freedom . In July 2012 , he criticized an event put on by the General Services Administration , which cost $268,732 . He said that he believed that the controversy went even further than the GSA . Denham voted against raising the debt ceiling in 2013 , which led to the United States federal government shutdown of 2013 . He also voted against the bill that reopened the government and avoided a default .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham voted for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 , which he praised as a historic milestone . Denhams vote was criticized by Democratic opponent TJ Cox , who claimed the bill would cost $1.43 trillion over the next decade .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "On April 26 , 2017 , Denham told The Hill that he was not in favor of the American Health Care Act ( AHCA ) . Denham said that he could only support a repeal-bill that kept significant parts of Obamacare intact , such as coverage for pre-existing conditions and expanded Medicaid coverage . However , on May 4 , 2017 , Denham voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) and pass AHCA . Denham said that he voted for the revised version of AHCA , which allows states to seek a waiver to",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "allow insurers to charge individuals with preexisting conditions higher premiums , because the bill would provide $8 billion over five years to help those with pre-existing conditions . He voted for this version of the bill before the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office had estimated its impact ; the CBO had estimated that 24 million Americans would lose insurance under the previous version of the bill .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " During his re-election campaign , Denham falsely claimed that The Washington Post fact-checker had found his opponents claims about the impact of Obamacares repeal on preexisting conditions to be false . The Washington Post fact-checker responded , saying that Denham was twisting an unrelated fact check and [ was ] misleading voters .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Denham , who served as chairman of the House Subcommittee on Railroads , had opposed plans for a high-speed train between San Francisco and Los Angeles . On March 6 , 2017 , the New York Times quoted him as saying that “no more federal dollars will go to California high-speed rail.” He charged that $600 million of state funds allocated by Proposition 1A in 2008 for Caltrains electrification was being diverted . “They are stealing Prop 1A money and using it for something else,” Denham said .",
"title": "High-speed rail"
},
{
"text": " In October 2013 , Denham co-sponsored the comprehensive immigration reform bill introduced by House Democrats . In announcing his support for the bill , he said : We cant afford any more delays . I support an earned path to citizenship to allow those who want to become citizens to demonstrate a commitment to our country , learn English , pay fines and back taxes and pass background checks . In August 2014 , Denham broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In the autumn of 2017 , Denham unsuccessfully pleaded with Trump...not to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , which provided temporary deportation relief and work permits for hundreds of thousands of people brought to the country illegally as children .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In May 2018 , Denham was one of a dozen House Republicans who , defying Speaker Paul Ryan , forced a vote on immigration in an effort to help the so-called Dreamers . In a May 16 interview with Tucker Carlson , Denham said that the only way were going to get the border secured is actually working together to pass something off the floor . In order to gain support for the Mexican border wall , he said , Republicans must support action to help Dreamers . The only way youre going to get the 60 members on a",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "bipartisan border security bill is with this solution that is equally as important that the president of the United States is asking for .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Denham said in June 2018 that he had forged an agreement with more conservative House members that would provide temporary residency visas for young immigrants and that would also fund Donald Trumps border wall with Mexico . In a June 7 , 2018 , interview on MSNBC , Denham said , I want to see a fixed to our broken immigration system and that You shouldnt be tearing families apart . He described the Trump Administrations zero tolerance policy as a bad idea .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In June 2018 , Denham joined three other local members of Congress in introducing legislation “to cut through red tape to raise the spillway gates at New Exchequer Dam and improve water supply reliability for Merced County.” The measure “would provide an additional 57,000 acre-feet for irrigation , groundwater replenishment and environmental benefits.”",
"title": "Water supply"
},
{
"text": " In May 2016 , Denham initially voted against an amendment to a defense appropriations bills by Democratic Representative Sean Patrick Maloney which would prohibit government contracts with companies that dont comply with President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers . The following week , Denham reversed course and voted for Maloneys amendment to uphold President Obamas executive order banning federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity . 2016 presidential race .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "Denham did not make an endorsement in the 2016 presidential race . He said that he planned to support the Republican nominee but did not specifically endorse Donald Trump , and that Like many Americans from both parties , my first choice for president is not on the ballot in November .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " On November 21 , 2017 , Denham introduced the Supporting Mitigation Activities and Resiliency Targets for Rebuilding Act , also known as the SMART Rebuilding Act . The SMART Rebuilding Act , which proposed cost-saving Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) reforms , was included in the U.S . Houses subsequent Disaster Recovery Reform Act and supplemental appropriations bill . The disaster aid package , which included $81 billion in additional disaster relief funding in addition to Denhams FEMA reforms , was passed by the House in December 2017 in a bipartisan vote .",
"title": "FEMA reforms"
},
{
"text": " Denham and his wife Sonia have two children . She is Hispanic , and Denham has said that he learned Spanish to communicate with her family , including to help his Mexican father-in-law through the process of gaining U.S . citizenship . Denham owns and operates Denham Plastics , a supplier of reusable containers in the agriculture industry . He and his family also farm almonds at their ranch in Merced County .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Join California Jeff Denham",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Martín_Vizcarra#P39#0
|
What was the position of Martín Vizcarra in Jun 2011?
|
Martín Vizcarra Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him from the presidency . In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again . During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office . On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with an 86-0 vote in congress . Early life . Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life . Education . Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) . Political career . Governor of Moquegua . His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions . In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of 2014 . Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) . As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis . With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction . Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas . Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) . Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation . Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him . Climate change . On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians . Anti-corruption initiatives . 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber . The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed . Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency . Dissolution of congress . In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra . Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration . On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations . By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces . In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress , Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government . COVID-19 pandemic . During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only 61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed . Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline . Impeachment trials . The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison . First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace . Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress . Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further from reality . On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased . As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 . Second impeachment trial ( November 2020 ) . In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action . Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 . Congressional campaign . Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity . Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru . Vacunagate . In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations . Public image . During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 . Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president . Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention . On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed . Political ideology . Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections . External links . - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )
|
[
"Governor of Moquegua"
] |
[
{
"text": "Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "from the presidency .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "an 86-0 vote in congress .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) .",
"title": "Education"
},
{
"text": " His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "2014 .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians .",
"title": "Climate change"
},
{
"text": " 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": " Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": ", Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": " Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "from reality .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations .",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections .",
"title": "Political ideology"
},
{
"text": " - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Martín_Vizcarra#P39#1
|
What was the position of Martín Vizcarra in Dec 2016?
|
Martín Vizcarra Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him from the presidency . In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again . During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office . On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with an 86-0 vote in congress . Early life . Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life . Education . Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) . Political career . Governor of Moquegua . His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions . In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of 2014 . Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) . As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis . With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction . Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas . Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) . Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation . Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him . Climate change . On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians . Anti-corruption initiatives . 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber . The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed . Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency . Dissolution of congress . In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra . Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration . On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations . By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces . In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress , Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government . COVID-19 pandemic . During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only 61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed . Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline . Impeachment trials . The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison . First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace . Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress . Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further from reality . On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased . As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 . Second impeachment trial ( November 2020 ) . In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action . Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 . Congressional campaign . Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity . Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru . Vacunagate . In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations . Public image . During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 . Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president . Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention . On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed . Political ideology . Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections . External links . - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )
|
[
"Minister of Transportation and Communications",
"Vice President of Peru"
] |
[
{
"text": "Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "from the presidency .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "an 86-0 vote in congress .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) .",
"title": "Education"
},
{
"text": " His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "2014 .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians .",
"title": "Climate change"
},
{
"text": " 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": " Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": ", Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": " Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "from reality .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations .",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections .",
"title": "Political ideology"
},
{
"text": " - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Martín_Vizcarra#P39#2
|
What was the position of Martín Vizcarra in May 2017?
|
Martín Vizcarra Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him from the presidency . In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again . During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office . On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with an 86-0 vote in congress . Early life . Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life . Education . Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) . Political career . Governor of Moquegua . His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions . In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of 2014 . Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) . As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis . With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction . Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas . Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) . Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation . Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him . Climate change . On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians . Anti-corruption initiatives . 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber . The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed . Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency . Dissolution of congress . In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra . Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration . On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations . By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces . In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress , Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government . COVID-19 pandemic . During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only 61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed . Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline . Impeachment trials . The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison . First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace . Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress . Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further from reality . On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased . As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 . Second impeachment trial ( November 2020 ) . In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action . Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 . Congressional campaign . Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity . Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru . Vacunagate . In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations . Public image . During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 . Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president . Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention . On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed . Political ideology . Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections . External links . - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )
|
[
"Minister of Transportation and Communications"
] |
[
{
"text": "Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "from the presidency .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "an 86-0 vote in congress .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) .",
"title": "Education"
},
{
"text": " His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "2014 .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians .",
"title": "Climate change"
},
{
"text": " 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": " Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": ", Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": " Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "from reality .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations .",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections .",
"title": "Political ideology"
},
{
"text": " - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Martín_Vizcarra#P39#3
|
What was the position of Martín Vizcarra between Jan 2018 and Mar 2018?
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Martín Vizcarra Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him from the presidency . In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again . During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office . On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with an 86-0 vote in congress . Early life . Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life . Education . Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) . Political career . Governor of Moquegua . His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions . In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of 2014 . Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) . As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis . With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction . Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas . Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) . Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation . Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him . Climate change . On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians . Anti-corruption initiatives . 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber . The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed . Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency . Dissolution of congress . In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra . Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration . On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations . By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces . In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress , Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government . COVID-19 pandemic . During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only 61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed . Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline . Impeachment trials . The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison . First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace . Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress . Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further from reality . On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased . As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 . Second impeachment trial ( November 2020 ) . In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action . Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 . Congressional campaign . Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity . Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru . Vacunagate . In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations . Public image . During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 . Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president . Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention . On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed . Political ideology . Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections . External links . - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )
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[
"Peruvian Ambassador to Canada"
] |
[
{
"text": "Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "from the presidency .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "an 86-0 vote in congress .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) .",
"title": "Education"
},
{
"text": " His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "2014 .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians .",
"title": "Climate change"
},
{
"text": " 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": " Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": ", Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": " Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "from reality .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations .",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections .",
"title": "Political ideology"
},
{
"text": " - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Martín_Vizcarra#P39#4
|
What was the position of Martín Vizcarra after Nov 2018?
|
Martín Vizcarra Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him from the presidency . In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again . During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office . On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with an 86-0 vote in congress . Early life . Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life . Education . Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) . Political career . Governor of Moquegua . His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions . In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of 2014 . Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) . As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis . With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction . Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas . Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) . Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation . Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him . Climate change . On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians . Anti-corruption initiatives . 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber . The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed . Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency . Dissolution of congress . In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra . Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration . On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations . By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces . In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress , Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government . COVID-19 pandemic . During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only 61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed . Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline . Impeachment trials . The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison . First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace . Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress . Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further from reality . On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased . As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 . Second impeachment trial ( November 2020 ) . In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action . Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 . Congressional campaign . Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity . Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru . Vacunagate . In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations . Public image . During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 . Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president . Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention . On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed . Political ideology . Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections . External links . - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )
|
[
"presidency"
] |
[
{
"text": "Martín Alberto Vizcarra Cornejo ( ( ) ; born 22 March 1963 ) is a Peruvian engineer and politician who served as President of Peru from 2018 to 2020 . Vizcarra previously served as Governor of the Department of Moquegua ( 2011–2014 ) , First Vice President of Peru ( 2016-2018 ) , Minister of Transport and Communications of Peru ( 2016–2017 ) , and Ambassador of Peru to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) , with the latter three during the presidency of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski . The Peruvian Congress voted to impeach Martin Vizcarra in November 2020 , removing him",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "from the presidency .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "In the 2016 general election , Vizcarra ran with the Peruvians for Change presidential ticket as candidate for first vice president and as Pedro Pablo Kuczynskis running mate . The ticket narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimoris Popular Force nomination . Vizcarra was sworn into office as president on 23 March 2018 following the resignation of President Kuczynski . Throughout his tenure , Vizcarra remained independent from political parties , promoted reforms against corruption in the legislative and judicial branches and vowed to not run for president when his term ends in 2021 . Following what he described as a factual denial",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "of confidence against his government , Vizcarra dissolved the Peruvian Congress on 30 September 2019 and , on the same day , issued a decree for legislative elections . The snap election for a new congress was held on 26 January 2020 , with the legislature elected becoming opposition-led once again .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " During the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru , Vizcarra instituted stay-at-home orders and issued relief funds , but existing inequality , overcrowding and a largely informal economy saw Peru being heavily affected by the pandemic . As a result , Perus gross domestic product declined thirty percent , increasing political pressure on Vizcarras government . In September 2020 , Congress opened impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra on grounds of moral incapacity , accusing him of influence peddling after audio recordings were released by an opposition legislator , but the process did not receive enough votes to remove him from office .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "On 9 November 2020 , the Peruvian Congress impeached Vizcarra a second time , after declaring him morally incompetent ; he was removed from office . The President of Congress and opposition leader , Manuel Merino , succeeded him as President of Peru the following day . Vizcarras impeachment incited the 2020 Peruvian protests , as many Peruvians and political analysts believed the impeachment was unsubstantiated , with several Peruvian media outlets labeling the impeachment a coup . Vizcarra was banned from holding public office for 10 years after allegedly jumping the line to get a COVID-19 vaccine , with",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": "an 86-0 vote in congress .",
"title": "Martín Vizcarra"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra was born in Lima , the son of César Vizcarra Vargas , who was an American Popular Revolutionary Alliance ( APRA ) member , and Doris Cornejo , an elementary school teacher . His father was mayor of Moquegua and a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1978 . His family was based in Moquegua , but moved to Lima due to a pulmonary complication that put him on the verge of death at his birth . Vizcarra has stated that his father had a lasting impact on his life .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra studied at the IEP Juan XXIII and the GUE Simón Bolívar , in Moquegua . For university education , Vizcarra graduated from the National University of Engineering in Lima in 1984 while also earning a degree in Management Administration from the School of Business Administration ( ESAN ) .",
"title": "Education"
},
{
"text": " His political ambitions began in his home region of Moquegua , where he ran as an independent affiliated with the APRA party for the governorship in 2006 , narrowly missing election . In 2008 , Vizcarra led protests , known as Moqueguazo , surrounding unequal mining payments to the community . He travelled to Lima to mediate the crisis , explaining the payment issue to the Peruvian Council of Ministers who agreed to make necessary changes to laws surrounding the issue . This event inspired Vizcarras further political ambitions .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "In the 2010 regional elections , Vizcarra was elected to be Governor of Moquegua and served on that position from January 1 , 2011 to December 31 , 2014 . During his tenure , social indexes improved and he avoided corruption issues , an achievement The Washington Post described as one of the rare examples in Peru . He also conciliated another mining conflict between mining company Anglo American and residents concerned about potential drinking water contamination by a proposed copper mine , playing a major role in settling the dispute . Vizcarra served as governor until the end of",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "2014 .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Vice-presidency ( 2016–2018 ) . Vizcarra was elected into the office of First Vice President of Peru in 2016 general election , running beside Pedro Pablo Kuczynski of the Peruanos Por el Kambio party . Shortly after being elected , he was also tasked with serving as Minister of Transportation and Communications . Minister of Transportation and Communications ( 2016–2017 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "As Minister of Transportation and Communications , Vizcarra served for about one year . During a series of floods in late 2016 and early 2017 which devastated much of Peru , he was tasked with managing the crisis .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " With allegations of bribery and bureaucracy plaguing the construction of the Chinchero International Airport in Cusco , Vizcarra cancelled many contracts until an investigation by the Comptrollers Office was completed . After facing complaints by political opponents and being summoned to provide hours of testimony surrounding the project , all while being tasked with providing reconstruction following the flooding that affected Peru , Vizcarra resigned his position as minister . Shortly after his resignation , the Comptroller General Edgar Alarcón recommended legal action against ten officials involved with the airports construction .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Analysts stated that overall , Vizcarras performance as minister was positive , but it was plagued by complications from the Fujimori familys political forces , known as Fujimoristas .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Ambassador to Canada ( 2017–2018 ) . After resigning from the previous ministry , he was appointed to be the Peruvian Ambassador to Canada , avoiding public attention . He only returned to Peru during the first impeachment proceedings against President Kuczynski , returning to Canada shortly thereafter . President of Peru ( 2018–2020 ) .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": "Following the resignation of President Kuczynski , Vizcarra returned to Peru to assume the presidency on 23 March 2018 . Upon being sworn in , Vizcarra stated in regards to corruption , weve had enough , promising to lead against such practices in the Andean nation .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " Peruvian author and Nobel laureate in Literature Mario Vargas Llosa stated that Vizcarras credentials are pretty good and that although other Peruvian politicians have faced political controversy , Vizcarra has acted within the law . Vargas Llosa also noted that if Vizcarras popularity were to increase enough , then immediately in Congress , the Fujimoristas will forget their internal struggles and will probably make life difficult for him .",
"title": "Governor of Moquegua"
},
{
"text": " On 17 April 2018 , President Vizcarra signed the Law for Climate Change , allowing for more funding toward the Ministry of the Environment ( MINAM ) to monitor and combat climate change by analyzing greenhouse gas emissions while also creating a framework of inter-ministerial cooperation regarding the climate . The signing made Peru the first country in South America to have a climate law , with Vizcarra stating that climate change could no longer be ignored and that the Government of Peru had an obligation to work together to provide a better environment for future Peruvians .",
"title": "Climate change"
},
{
"text": " 2018 Peruvian constitutional referendum . Following multiple corruption scandals facing the Peruvian government , on 28 July 2018 , President Vizcarra called for a nationwide referendum to prohibit private funding for political campaigns , ban the reelection of lawmakers and to create a second legislative chamber .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "The Washington Post stated that Vizcarra’s decisive response to a graft scandal engulfing the highest tiers of the judiciary .. . has some Peruvians talking of a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore integrity to public life and revive citizens’ waning faith in democracy . Leftist lawmaker Marisa Glave , who was once a critic of Vizcarra , praised the move saying he had connected with the people in a society that is both fed up with corruption but also deeply apolitical . It has put the Fujimoristas in check . Transparency International also praised the move , stating that This is",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "a very important opportunity , one that is unlike previous opportunities because , in part , the president appears genuinely committed .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": " Following the temporary detention of Keiko Fujimori , legislators belonging to American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Fujimorista-led Popular Force introduced a bill the following day on 11 October 2018 to remove Vizcarras referendum proposals and to modify the referendum with their own suggestions to the public . On 9 December 2018 , Peruvians ultimately accepted three of four of the proposals in the referendum , only rejecting the final proposal of creating a bicameral congress when Vizcarra withdrew his support when the Fujimorista-led congress manipulated the proposals contents which would have removed power from the presidency .",
"title": "Anti-corruption initiatives"
},
{
"text": "In the Constitution of Peru , the executive branch can dissolve congress after a second vote of no-confidence . Under former president of Peru Pedro Pablo Kuczynski , the Congress of Peru made a no-confidence vote on 15 September 2017 , resulting in the collapse of the Cabinet of Peru , the first vote of no-confidence during that current congressional body . Vizcarra enacted a constitutional process on 29 May 2019 that would create a motion of no confidence towards congress if they refused to cooperate with his proposed actions against corruption . For the next four months , congress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "delayed bills targeting corruption and postponed general elections proposed by Vizcarra .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " Demanding reforms against corruption , Vizcarra called for a vote of no confidence on 27 September 2019 , stating it was clear the democracy of our nation is at risk . Vizcarra and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights criticized congress for blocking a proposal for general elections while it quickly approved nominations to the Constitutional Court of Peru without investigating the backgrounds on nominees . Vizcarra sought to reform the Constitutional Court nomination process and congress approval or disapproval of his proposal was seen as a sign of confidence in his administration .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "On 30 September 2019 , congress named a new member to the Constitutional Court of Peru , who would most likely decide disputes between congress and the presidency , ignoring his proposal for reform . Vizcarra argued that the appointment by congress was the second act of no-confidence in his government , granting him the authority to dissolve congress . This act , as well as the months of slow progress towards anti-corruption reforms , pushed Vizcarra to dissolve congress later that day , with Vizcarra stating Peruvian people , we have done all we could . Shortly after Vizcarra",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "announced the dissolution of congress , the legislative body refused to recognize the presidents actions , declared Vizcarra as suspended from the presidency and named vice president Mercedes Aráoz as the new president of Peru . Despite this , Peruvian government officials stated that the actions by congress were void as the body was officially closed at the time of their declarations .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": " By nightfall , Peruvians gathered outside of the Legislative Palace of Peru to protest against congress and demand the removal of legislators while the heads of the Peruvian Armed Forces met with Vizcarra , announcing that they still recognized him as president of Peru and head of the armed forces .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "In January 2020 , the Constitutional Court of Peru defended Vizcarras actions , with four judges approving and three judges disapproving of the action . On 26 January 2020 , a legislative election was held to replace the dissolved congress , with the previous Fujimorist majority being replaced with many centrist parties . Analysts Diego Pereira and Lucila Barbeito of JPMorgan Chase & Co described the new congress as being even more antagonistic to the [ Vizcarra ] government than the previous one . According to Americas Quarterly , the four main right-wing parties of congress – Alliance for Progress",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": ", Podemos Perú , Popular Action and Union for Peru – feared Vizcarras anti-corruption measures on campaign financing , political transparency and the participation of convicted persons in government .",
"title": "Dissolution of congress"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras tenure , Peru experienced the second-highest number of COVID-19 cases in Latin America , with 292,004 cases and 10,045 deaths as of 2 July 2020 . Medical experts commented that the severity of the outbreak in Peru can be explained at least in part due to existing socioeconomic circumstances . Nearly one-third of Peruvians live in overcrowded homes and 72% have informal jobs , requiring them to work daily . Many Peruvians needed to travel daily to markets to purchase food since only 49% of households own refrigerators or freezers ; even in urban areas it is only",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "61% . Banks also experienced crowding as relief recipients without bank accounts had to go in person to obtain their stimulus payments . Vizcarras government has responded to the pandemic by maintaining a nationwide lockdown since 15 March 2020 , with all businesses except pharmacies , food vendors , financial institutions , and health facilities being closed .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": " Perus gross domestic product fell 30.2 percent in the second quarter of 2020 as a result of economic lockdown measures , the largest decline of all major economies , with many small service businesses that represent the majority of businesses of Perus economy going bankrupt during the crisis . Employment also dropped 40 percent compared to the previous rate while the Peruvian government approved 128 billion PEN ( $35.8 billion USD ) of tax relief and low-rate business loans to deter further economic decline .",
"title": "COVID-19 pandemic"
},
{
"text": "The impeachment processes were led by the imprisoned Antauro Humala and his Union for Peru ( UPP ) party , according to reports in Peru . Humala was sentenced to 19 years in prison following his Andahuaylazo uprising against President Alejandro Toledo that resulted in the deaths of police . From his cell , Humala reportedly orchestrated the impeachment process with members of congress and his UPP supporters . Edgar Alarcón , a UPP congressman and a close supporter of Humala , took charge with the impeachment processes against Vizcarra , making the charges that began both trials . Alarcón",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "himself , according to Vice News , was protected from criminal charges of embezzlement and illicit monetary gains due to parliamentary immunity , charges that could have resulted with seventeen years in prison .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " First impeachment trial ( September 2020 ) . As Perus economy declined due to the pandemic , Vizcarra faced increased political pressure from the newly inaugurated congress presided by Manuel Merino , with the majority of the legislative body being controlled by those opposing Vizcarra . Since early 2020 , investigations began surrounding a contract for a little-known singer Richard Cisneros to perform speeches for the Ministry of Culture . It was alleged that an inexperienced Cisneros was able to receive payments totaling US$50,000 due to contacts in the Government Palace .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Investigators searched offices in the Government Palace on 1 June 2020 regarding the alleged irregularities . On 10 September 2020 , opposition lawmaker Edgar Alarcon , who faced possible parliamentary immunity revocation related to alleged acts of corruption , released audio recordings purporting that Vizcarra acted with moral incapacity . The recordings allegedly contain audio of Vizcarra instructing his staff to say that he met with Cisneros only on a limited number of occasions and audio of Cisneros saying that he influenced Vizcarras rise to office and decision to dissolve congress .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Merino quickly initiated a movement to remove Vizcarra from office . As President of Congress , Merino would assume the presidential office if Vizcarra was vacated . Vizcarra responded to the release of the recordings , stating , I am not going to resign . I am not running away and that the audios have been edited and maliciously manipulated ; as you can see , they purposely seek to turn a job-related claim into a criminal or political act , wanting to take words out of context and intend to accuse me of non-existent situations . Nothing is further",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "from reality .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " On 11 September 2020 , the Peruvian Congress voted 65–36 with 24 abstentions to open impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra for moral incapacity . At least 52 votes in favor were needed to approve the opening of the impeachment proceedings . After reports emerged that Merino reportedly reached out to the Peruvian armed forces to support the process and was forming his own cabinet , support among lawmakers for impeaching Vizcarra decreased .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "As scheduled , Vizcarra appeared in Congress on 18 September to defend himself and delivered a 20-minute speech after its session began . After a 10-hour debate , Congress voted 32–78 with 15 abstentions against removing Vizcarra from office , far from the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed by the opposition to impeach him . Had Vizcarra already been impeached by that time , Merino would have already acted as interim leader until the current presidential term ends in July 2021 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "In a separate impeachment trial , lawmakers from nine opposition parties accused Vizcarra of corruption and mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country . He was also accused of accepting bribes from companies that won at least two public works contracts—one for a hospital and another for an irrigation project—during his term as governor of Moquegua Department . On 9 November 2020 , a total of 105 members of Congress voted to remove Vizcarra from office , exceeding the 87 votes ( out of 130 ) that were needed to impeach him . Vizcarra called the accusations baseless and",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "false , but still accepted the vote by Congress and promised not to take any other legal action .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": " Thousands of citizens then gathered in protests against Vizcarras impeachment . Manuel Merino , who succeeded him as president the following day , resigned on 15 November . Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on the 16th and thus succeeded Merino as President of Peru on 17 November per Perus presidential line of succession , since both Vice Presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020 .",
"title": "Impeachment trials"
},
{
"text": "Vizcarra announced on 27 November 2020 that he would campaign for a seat in congress for the 2021 Peruvian congressional election , joining the We Are Peru party , a party that voted for his removal just weeks before . The We Are Peru partys presidential candidate Daniel Salaverry welcomed Vizcarra to the party . If elected into congress , Vizcarra would obtain parliamentary immunity from the investigations that resulted with his removal from the presidency . When asked if attempting to avoid prosecution for corruption was his motivation to run for congress , Vizcarra stated One of the flags",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "that I am going to carry in this electoral process , to be fulfilled in Congress if elected , is precisely to completely reform the concept of parliamentary immunity , .. . It cannot be that the Congress of the Republic has used parliamentary immunity .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra won the congressional race , though he would later be banned from holding public office in Peru .",
"title": "Congressional campaign"
},
{
"text": "In October 2020 , Vizcarra was vaccinated with the Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine before it was able to reach the Peruvian public , sparking controversy . In February 2021 , the scandal known as Vacunagate broke out , Vizcarra being considered a traitor to almost all Peruvians by taking advantage of the office of President of Peru by first getting vaccinated with his family and friends in secret while leaving the population in complete abandonment saying that there was still no vaccine negotiation regarding the Coronavirus pandemic.On 16 April 2021 , the Congress of Peru in an 86 to 0 vote",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "decided to ban Vizcarra from public office for a ten-year period . He was found guilty of influence peddling , collusion and making false declarations .",
"title": "Vacunagate"
},
{
"text": "During Vizcarras inauguration ceremony , some Peruvians took to the streets to protest against the government , calling for the removal of all politicians . Weeks later , an Ipsos survey in April 2018 found that out of those asked Vizcarra had an approval rate of 57% , a disapproval rate of 13% while about 30% of respondents were undecided . A month later , Vizcarras approval rating dipped to 52% according to a May 2018 Ipsos survey . By September 2018 after he had called for a referendum , thousands of Peruvians marched in support of his proposal and",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "to protest against Congress , with Ipsos reporting that Vizcarras approval rating reached a peak of 66% in December 2018 .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Into 2019 , Ipsos polls showed that support for Vizcarra began to decline early in the year , that his approval rating in April 2019 was at 44% compared to 45% disapproval and that approval ratings were higher among upper-income respondents compared to lower-income respondents . By the time Vizcarra dissolved congress , The Washington Post described him as an unexpectedly popular president as he dealt with the monumental task of rooting out the South American nation’s widespread corruption . After the dissolution of congress , Vizcarras approval rating jumped from about 40% to 75% according to the Institute of",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "Peruvian Studies ( IEP ) , while 76% of respondents recognized him as the constitutional president of Peru . Another poll by Peruvian pollster CPI found 85.1% of respondents approved of Vizcarra and 89.1% recognized him as president .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Following Perus 2020 legislative elections that replaced an unpopular congress , The Economist wrote By championing the fight against corruption , Mr Vizcarra has achieved the rare feat for a Peruvian president of remaining popular . Americas Quarterly penned that Vizcarra had overwhelming public support , but without a political party or allies in congress , his anti-corruption initiatives faced resistance . Request for preventive detention .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": "On March 12 , the prosecutor Germán Juárez Atoche requested preventive detention for 18 months for former president Martín Vizcarra . This , within the framework of the investigation for the alleged crimes of aggravated collusion , improper passive bribery and illicit association to commit a crime . The hearing was scheduled for March 17 , where Judge María de los Ángeles Álvarez Camacho , after hearing both reasons from the prosecution and the defense of Vizcarra , was rejected the request for preventive detention and appearance with restrictions was imposed .",
"title": "Public image"
},
{
"text": " Vizcarra is described as a centrist and he has attributed his political beliefs as stemming from his father , with Vizcarra saying that his guidance made him concerned about social issues . He values his ability to know how to listen and to go step by step , with his supporters often describing him as a bridge builder who is able to mediate complicated situations . Left-wing parties applauded Vizcarras anti-corruption efforts , his dissolution of congress and his attempts to move forward with general elections .",
"title": "Political ideology"
},
{
"text": " - Biography by CIDOB ( in Spanish )",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Sigismondo_Pandolfo_Malatesta#P26#0
|
Who was Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta 's spouse before Oct 1440?
|
Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts . Biography . Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori . Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 . In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440 she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces . In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany . In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna ) -later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery . After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini . Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands during his absence . In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later . He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini . Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy . He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and Fano . Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta . Legacy . In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 ) Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court . Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison . Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .
|
[
"Ginevra dEste"
] |
[
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts .",
"title": "Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta"
},
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna )",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "-later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "during his absence .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Fano .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 )",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .",
"title": "Legacy"
}
] |
/wiki/Sigismondo_Pandolfo_Malatesta#P26#1
|
Who was Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta 's spouse in Jun 1445?
|
Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts . Biography . Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori . Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 . In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440 she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces . In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany . In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna ) -later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery . After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini . Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands during his absence . In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later . He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini . Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy . He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and Fano . Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta . Legacy . In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 ) Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court . Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison . Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .
|
[
"Polissena Sforza"
] |
[
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts .",
"title": "Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta"
},
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna )",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "-later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "during his absence .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Fano .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 )",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .",
"title": "Legacy"
}
] |
/wiki/Sigismondo_Pandolfo_Malatesta#P26#2
|
Who was Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta 's spouse between Jun 1456 and Dec 1456?
|
Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts . Biography . Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori . Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 . In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440 she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces . In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany . In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna ) -later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery . After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini . Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands during his absence . In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later . He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini . Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy . He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and Fano . Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta . Legacy . In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 ) Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court . Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison . Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .
|
[
"Isotta degli Atti"
] |
[
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta ( 19 June 1417 – 7 October 1468 ) was an Italian condottiero and nobleman , a member of the House of Malatesta and lord of Rimini and Fano from 1432 . He was widely considered by his contemporaries as one of the most daring military leaders in Italy and commanded the Venetian forces in the 1465 campaign against the Ottoman Empire . He was also a poet and patron of the arts .",
"title": "Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta"
},
{
"text": " Sigismondo Pandolfo was born in Brescia , northern Italy , the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Pandolfo III Malatesta and Antonia da Barignani . His younger brother Domenico , known as Malatesta Novello , was born in Brescia on 5 August 1418 . An elder ( and also illegitimate ) half-brother , Galeotto Roberto Malatesta , born in 1411 , was the issue of the relationship of their father Pandolfo III with Allegra de Mori .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Following the familys tradition , Sigismondo after the death of his father debuted as man-at-arms at the age of 13 against his relative Carlo II Malatesta , lord of Pesaro and Pope Martin Vs ally , who aimed to annex Rimini , Cesena and Fano to his territories . After his victory , Sigismondo obtained , together with his brothers Galeotto Roberto and Domenico , the title of Papal vicar for those cities . In 1431 , though having inferior forces , he repelled another invasion by the Malatestas of Pesaro . When , soon afterwards , his elder brother",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "abdicated , he became lord of Rimini , at the age of 15 .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1432 he accepted the command of a papal corps , defeating the Spanish condottiero Sante Cirillo and thwarting Antonio I Ordelaffis attempt to capture Forlì ( 1435–36 ) . However , the following year Sigismondo occupied the papal city of Cervia and was excommunicated ; he was soon pardoned and created commander of the papal army . Later he fought in Romagna and the Marche alongside Francesco Sforza . In the meantime he married his niece Ginevra dEste , Niccolò IIIs legitimate daughter by his second wife Parisina Malatesta , first cousin of Sigismondo . On 12 October 1440",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "she died , and rumours spread that she had been poisoned by Sigismondo . Two years later he married Polissena Sforza , Francesco Is illegitimate daughter ; they had two children : a son , Galeotto , born in 1442 and who only lived a few months , and a daughter , Giovanna , born in 1444 and later Duchess of Camerino by marriage . In this period he fought several times against the other condottiero Niccolò Piccinino : first , in 1437 , as a Venetian commander , he was defeated at Calcinara sullOglio . Later , while defending",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "his lands from the papal invasion army led by Piccinino , Federico III da Montefeltro and Malatesta Novello , he crushed them at Monteluro , managing to obtain some territories of Pesaro , although the latter was successfully defeated by Federicos forces .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In his restlessness he betrayed Sforza twice , but he also betrayed his momentary ally against him , Niccolò Piccinino . Enmity against Sforza turned into true hatred when his father-in-law bought the signory of Pesaro from Carlo Malatesta . Therefore , Sigismondo allied with Pope Eugene IV and the Sforza duke of Milan . Later , he was hired by King Alfonso V of Naples , but soon afterwards received money for a condotta to be spent in the service of Florence against Alfonso . In 1445 he forced the Neapolitans to raise the siege of Piombino in Tuscany",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": ".",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1449 his second wife Polissena died under mysterious circumstances . Francesco Sforza claimed that Sigismondo had her drowned by one of his servants , but this has remained unconfirmed . During his two marriages , he had numerous mistresses , but only two were well known : Vannetta dei Toschi , who bore him a son , Roberto , in 1441 , and Isotta degli Atti , who bore him four children : Giovanni ( who died in infancy ) , Margherita ( later wife of Carlo di Fortebraccio ) , Sallustio and Antonia ( also called Anna )",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "-later the first wife of Rodolfo Gonzaga , Lord of Castiglione delle Stiviere , who beheaded her in 1483 when she was discovered in adultery .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "After 1449 Malatesta served variously under Venice , Florence , Siena , Naples and Sforza himself . The Peace of Lodi ( 1454 ) , from which he was excluded , pushed the major Italian powers against him . His territories were repeatedly invaded by Aragonese , Venetian and Papal troops . In 1456 Sigismondo married Isotta degli Atti , his long-time mistress , and legitimized their three surviving children ; the only son , Sallustio , was declared his heir . On 25 December 1460 , a famous trial in absentia was held in Rome against Sigismondo . Pope",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Pius II , who considered him guilty of treachery towards Siena arising from his long-running feud with Federico da Montefeltro , Duke of Urbino , excommunicated him , declaring him a heretic and attributing to Sigismondo a series of sins ( incest , sodomy against his son Roberto and others ) which smeared his reputation for centuries . In a unique ceremony , he was canonized into Hell with the curse , No mortal heretofore has descended into Hell with the ceremony of canonization . Sigi shall be the first deemed worthy of such honor . The art critic and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "historian Robert Hughes contrasted Sigismondos patronage of art with the story that his excommunication was a distinction he earned by trussing up a Papal emissary , the fifteen-year-old Bishop of Fano , and publicly sodomising him before his applauding army in the main square of Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Malatestas image was publicly burnt in Rome , and a de facto crusade was then launched against him , in a league including the pope , the king of Naples , the Duke of Milan and Federico da Montefeltro . He defeated the first contingent of Papal troops , led by Napoleone Orsini , on 2 July 1461 at Castelleone di Suasa . In 1462 he was able to take Senigallia , but was forced to flee to Fano after the arrival of Federico da Montefeltro . The latter followed and severely crushed him on 12 August 1462 near Senigallia",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "at the mouth of the Cesano . The war ended in 1463 , due to the intervention of Venice , with the loss of all Sigismondos territories apart from Rimini and a territory of some 8 kilometers around it : both , however , were assigned to return to the Papal States after his death . He then sought greater fortune as a general for Venice in its war against the Ottomans , as a field commander in the Peloponnesus ( 1464–1466 ) . The Venetians granted him a contingent of 150 men to defend Rimini and his other lands",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "during his absence .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " In an attempt to reverse this situation , Sigismondo appears to have intended to murder Pius successor , Pope Paul II ( who had asked him to exchange Rimini for Spoleto and Camerino ) , in 1468 , but he lost his nerve and returned to Rimini . He died in his residence of Castel Sismondo a few months later .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was succeeded by his legitimated son and heir Sallustio , under the regency of his mother Isotta ; but one year later ( 1469 ) his illegitimate son Roberto , also a skilled condottiero , managed briefly to maintain control over Rimini .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Reputation , patron of art . Sigismondos valour and skill as general were widely recognized by his contemporaries . According to the Catholic Encyclopedia : From his childhood he was a skilful and daring soldier , and throughout his life was regarded as almost the first captain in Italy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "He was not a religious man , and his Tempio Malatestiano , also known as San Francesco , built in Rimini , by Leon Battista Alberti and decorated by artists including Piero della Francesca and Agostino di Duccio , was essentially a lay monument to Isotta degli Atti , his lover and third wife . It was a landmark Renaissance building , being the first church to use the Roman triumphal arch as part of its structure . Sigismondo also built a notable series of fortifications in his Romagna possessions , including the Rocche ( Castles ) of Rimini and",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Fano .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Malatestas reputation was largely based on Pius IIs perception of him , although numerous contemporary chronicles described him as a tyrant and a womanizer : he delved in rape , adultery , and incest . Italian Renaissance historian Francesco Guicciardini defined him enemy of every peace and well-living . His deeds and political manoeuvers were characterized by all the typical play of violence , intrigues and subtleties typical of Renaissance Italy ; however , Sigismondo was well aware of his sins , and tried to justify them in a series of love sonnets dedicated to Isotta .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1906 , Edward Hutton published the historical novel Sigismondo Malatesta , mostly sympathetic to its hero . It was slightly revised and reprinted under the title The Mastiff of Rimini in 1926 . The title of this book may be partly responsible for the notion that Sigismondo was known as the Wolf of Rimini by contemporaries or indeed subsequently at any point before the 21st century , when this sobriquet has gained some ground . In fact there is no evidence for its use in his lifetime and it cannot be found in any mainstream historical or biographical text",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "on Sigismondo predating the Internet . Though it appears in chapter four ( page 112 ) of art historian Kenneth Clarks 1969 book Civilisation , released to accompany the 13part BBC series of the same name . ( ...in the neighbouring state was Sigismondo Malatesta , the wolf of Rimini , who did things that even the most advanced theatrical producer would hesitate to put on the stage . Clark , 1969 , p . 112 )",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Huttons novel and Charles Emile Yriartes Un condottiere au XV Siècle ( 1882 ) were among the main sources of American poet Ezra Pounds Malatesta Cantos ( The Cantos 8–11 ) , first published in 1923 . These are an admiring albeit fragmentary account of Malatestas career as warrior , lover and patron . Largely influenced by Pound , as well as by C . G . Jung , the critic Adrian Stokes devoted a study , The Stones of Rimini ( 1934 ) , to the art created at Sigismondos court .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": "Early in his writing career , E . M . Forster attempted a historical novel about Malatesta and Gemistus Pletho , but was not satisfied with the result and never published it - though he kept the manuscript and later showed it to Naomi Mitchison .",
"title": "Legacy"
},
{
"text": " Henry de Montherlants play Malatesta ( 1946 ) is about the end of Malatestas life and his intrigues with Paul II .",
"title": "Legacy"
}
] |
/wiki/Ron_Packard#P69#0
|
Ron Packard went to which school before Oct 1948?
|
Ron Packard Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 . Biography . Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy . Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County . 1982 election . In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way : Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district . Tenure . Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 . Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. . The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 .",
"title": "Ron Packard"
},
{
"text": " Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way :",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .",
"title": "Tenure"
}
] |
/wiki/Ron_Packard#P69#1
|
Ron Packard went to which school in Sep 1952?
|
Ron Packard Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 . Biography . Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy . Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County . 1982 election . In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way : Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district . Tenure . Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 . Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. . The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 .",
"title": "Ron Packard"
},
{
"text": " Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way :",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .",
"title": "Tenure"
}
] |
/wiki/Ron_Packard#P69#2
|
Ron Packard went to which school in Jan 1954?
|
Ron Packard Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 . Biography . Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy . Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County . 1982 election . In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way : Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district . Tenure . Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 . Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. . The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .
|
[
"Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry"
] |
[
{
"text": " Ronald C . Packard , D.M.D . ( born January 19 , 1931 ) is a retired Republican politician from California who served in the U.S . House of Representatives from 1983 to 2001 .",
"title": "Ron Packard"
},
{
"text": " Packard was born and raised in Meridian , Idaho . He attended Meridian High School , Brigham Young University , Portland State University , and University of Oregon Dental School ( now the Oregon Health & Science University School of Dentistry ) , where he received a D.M.D . in 1957 . He was in the Navy Dental Corps during 1957–1959 , and worked as a dentist after leaving the Navy .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard first entered politics as a trustee of the Carlsbad Unified School District in California , and served during 1962–1974 . He was elected to the Carlsbad City Council in 1976 , then elected Mayor of Carlsbad in 1978 . While mayor , he was active in community and regional affairs , serving on the transportation policy committee of the League of California Cities , as a Director of North County Transit District , and as President of the Council of Mayors for San Diego County .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "In 1982 , Packard lost the Republican primary for the United States House of Representatives in a crowded field of candidates to Johnnie Crean by 92 votes . Creans character came into issue , with his negative ads and false claim of endorsement by Ronald Reagan , so Packard launched a campaign as a write-in candidate . Packard ran a poll which found that voters would vote for him , especially if they knew how to write him in . Packard campaigned with a gigantic pencil as a prop while giving out golf pencils to district residents . An organized",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "effort among fellow Mormons helped the campaign . Packard won the election by 11,000 votes to become the first independent write-in candidate to defeat candidates of both the Democratic and Republican parties . NPRs Ken Rudin described the race this way :",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "Packard was only the third person to be elected to Congress as a write-in candidate , a victory later documented in Campaigns and Elections and due in part to the efforts of Russell Reed Benedict . The two previously successful congressional write-in candidates were U.S . Rep . Joe Skeen ( R-New Mexico 2d Dist. ) in 1980 and Sen . Strom Thurmond ( R-S . Carolina ) in 1954 . Subsequently , Alaska Republican U.S . Senator Lisa Murkowski lost her party primary in 2010 , but waged a successful write-in campaign against Joe Miller , the Republican primary",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": "winner and narrowly defeated him in the general election . Upon being sworn in , Packard joined the Republican caucus . He was reelected as a Republican eight times with little opposition in the heavily Republican district .",
"title": "Biography"
},
{
"text": " Packards congressional career included membership on the House Appropriations Committee . Packard served a total of nine terms and then retired from the House at the end of his term in 2001 to spend time with his family . In Congress he was known as a deficit hawk , a critic of legislative pork , and opponent of illegal immigration . He was succeeded by Republican Darrell Issa . Retirement and private life . A U.S . Post Office building in Oceanside , California was named for him in 2002 .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": "Packard and his wife Jean live in Utah . They had seven children . Packard works part-time as a lobbyist in Washington , D.C. .",
"title": "Tenure"
},
{
"text": " The westernmost 16.6-miles of California State Route 78 between Interstate 5 in Oceanside , California and Interstate 15 in Escondido , California is designated Ronald Packard Parkway .",
"title": "Tenure"
}
] |
/wiki/Le_Rêve_(Picasso)#P127#0
|
Who was the owner of Le Rêve (Picasso) between Mar 1960 and Jan 1984?
|
Le Rêve ( Picasso ) Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own , in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold . Provenance . Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million . The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million . Wynn incident . In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear . Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting . After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 . The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .
|
[
"Victor and Sally Ganz"
] |
[
{
"text": "Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own ,",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold .",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": " The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
}
] |
/wiki/Le_Rêve_(Picasso)#P127#1
|
Who was the owner of Le Rêve (Picasso) in late 1990s?
|
Le Rêve ( Picasso ) Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own , in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold . Provenance . Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million . The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million . Wynn incident . In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear . Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting . After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 . The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .
|
[
"Wolfgang Flöttl"
] |
[
{
"text": "Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own ,",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold .",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": " The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
}
] |
/wiki/Le_Rêve_(Picasso)#P127#2
|
Who was the owner of Le Rêve (Picasso) between Jul 2010 and Nov 2011?
|
Le Rêve ( Picasso ) Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own , in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold . Provenance . Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million . The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million . Wynn incident . In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear . Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting . After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 . The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .
|
[
"Steve Wynn"
] |
[
{
"text": "Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own ,",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold .",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": " The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
}
] |
/wiki/Le_Rêve_(Picasso)#P127#3
|
Who was the owner of Le Rêve (Picasso) between Aug 2013 and Sep 2013?
|
Le Rêve ( Picasso ) Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own , in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold . Provenance . Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million . The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million . Wynn incident . In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear . Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting . After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 . The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .
|
[
"Steven A . Cohen"
] |
[
{
"text": "Le Rêve ( English : The Dream ) is a 1932 oil on canvas painting ( 130 × 97 cm ) by Pablo Picasso , then 50 years old , portraying his 22-year-old mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter . It is said to have been painted in one afternoon , on 24 January 1932 . It belongs to Picassos period of distorted depictions , with its oversimplified outlines and contrasted colors resembling early cubism . The erotic content of the painting has been noted repeatedly , with critics pointing out that Picasso painted an erect penis , presumably symbolizing his own ,",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "in the upturned face of his model . On 26 March 2013 , the painting was sold in a private sale for $155 million , making it one of the most expensive paintings ever sold .",
"title": "Le Rêve ( Picasso )"
},
{
"text": "Le Rêve was purchased for $7,000 in 1941 by Victor and Sally Ganz of New York City . This purchase began their 50-year collection of works by just five artists : Picasso , Jasper Johns , Robert Rauschenberg , Frank Stella , and Eva Hesse . After the Ganzes died ( Victor in 1987 and Sally in 1997 ) , their collection , including Le Rêve , was sold at Christies auction house on November 11 , 1997 , as a means of settling their inheritance tax bill . Le Rêve sold for an unexpectedly high $48.4 million , at",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "the time the fourth most expensive painting sold ( tenth when taking inflation into account ) . The entire collection set a record for the sale of a private collection , bringing $206.5 million . The total amount paid by the Ganzes over their lifetime of collecting these pieces was around $2 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": " The buyer who purchased Le Rêve at Christies in 1997 appears to have been the Austrian-born investment fund manager Wolfgang Flöttl , who also briefly held Van Goghs Portrait of Dr . Gachet in possession in the late 1990s . In 2001 , under financial pressure , he sold Le Rêve to casino magnate Steve Wynn for an undisclosed sum , estimated to be about $60 million . On March 26 , 2013 , the New York Post reported that Steven A . Cohen of SAC Capital had bought the painting from Wynn for $155 million .",
"title": "Provenance"
},
{
"text": "In 2006 , the painting was the centerpiece of Wynn’s collection and he had considered naming his Wynn Las Vegas resort after it . During a period of anti-French sentiment in the United States in response to Frances opposition to the United States proposed invasion of Iraq , Wynn decided it was inadvisable to give the resort a French name . In October 2006 , Wynn told a group of his friends ( including the screenwriter Nora Ephron and her husband Nick Pileggi , the broadcaster Barbara Walters , the art dealer Serge Sorokko and his wife , the model",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "Tatiana Sorokko and the lawyer David Boies and his wife , Mary ) that he had agreed the day before to sell Le Rêve for $139 million to Steven A . Cohen . At the time , this price would have made Le Rêve the most expensive piece of art ever . While Wynn was showing the painting to his friends , apparently about to reveal the now still officially undisclosed previous owner ( see above ) , he put his right elbow through the canvas , puncturing the left forearm of the figure and creating a six-inch tear .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " Ephron offered as an explanation that Wynn uses wild gestures while speaking and has retinitis pigmentosa , which affects his peripheral vision . Later , Wynn said that he took the event as a sign to not sell the painting .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": "After a $90,000 repair , the painting was re-valued at $85 million . Wynn filled a claim to recover the $54 million perceived loss from his Lloyds of London insurers , an amount which would have covered most of the initial cost of buying the painting . When the insurers balked , Wynn sued them in January 2007 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
},
{
"text": " The case was eventually settled out of court in March 2007 . Cohen bought the painting from Wynn in 2013 for $155 million ( ca . $134 million in 2006 dollars ) . Ignoring inflation , the price was estimated to be the highest ever paid for an artwork by a U.S . collector until Kenneth C . Griffins ~$300 million purchase of Willem de Koonings Interchange in September 2015 .",
"title": "Wynn incident"
}
] |
/wiki/Olivia_Hussey#P26#0
|
Who was Olivia Hussey 's spouse before Mar 1976?
|
Olivia Hussey Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition . In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 . In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and . Early life . Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination . In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage . Career . 1968–69 : Romeo and Juliet and career beginnings . Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet . After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated . 1970–2000 : Black Christmas and continued acting . In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work . Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project . Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 . Personal life . Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm . In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 . In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 . References . Notes Bibliography External links . - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute
|
[
"Dean Paul Martin"
] |
[
{
"text": " Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": "In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": ") . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Olivia_Hussey#P26#1
|
Who was Olivia Hussey 's spouse between Feb 1988 and Nov 1988?
|
Olivia Hussey Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition . In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 . In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and . Early life . Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination . In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage . Career . 1968–69 : Romeo and Juliet and career beginnings . Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet . After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated . 1970–2000 : Black Christmas and continued acting . In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work . Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project . Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 . Personal life . Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm . In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 . In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 . References . Notes Bibliography External links . - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute
|
[
"Akira Fuse"
] |
[
{
"text": " Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": "In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": ") . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Olivia_Hussey#P26#2
|
Who was Olivia Hussey 's spouse between Jun 1991 and Jul 1991?
|
Olivia Hussey Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition . In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 . In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and . Early life . Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination . In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage . Career . 1968–69 : Romeo and Juliet and career beginnings . Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet . After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated . 1970–2000 : Black Christmas and continued acting . In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) . In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work . Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project . Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 . Personal life . Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm . In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 . In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 . References . Notes Bibliography External links . - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute
|
[
"David Glen Eisley"
] |
[
{
"text": " Olivia Hussey ( born Olivia Osuna , 17 April 1951 ) is an English actress . After appearing in theatre in London , Hussey was chosen to play the role of Juliet in Franco Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . She won a Golden Globe and the David di Donatello Award for her performance , and gained international recognition .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": "In 1974 , she appeared as the lead character , Jess Bradford , in the cult slasher film Black Christmas . This role , along with her subsequent horror films , earned her the title of scream queen . She reunited with Zeffirelli in the miniseries Jesus of Nazareth ( 1977 ) , as Mary , and appeared in John Guillermins Agatha Christie adaptation Death on the Nile ( 1978 ) . She appeared in several international productions throughout the 1980s , including the Japanese production Virus ( 1980 ) , and the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": ") . She appeared in two made-for-television horror productions : and Stephen Kings It , both first screened in 1990 .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " In addition to screen acting , Hussey has worked as a voice actress , providing voice roles in multiple Star Wars video games , including , , and .",
"title": "Olivia Hussey"
},
{
"text": " Hussey was born Olivia Osuna in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the first child of , an Argentine opera singer , and Joy Hussey , a secretary originally from England . Her parents divorced when she was 2 years old . At the age of seven , Hussey moved with her mother and younger brother to London , where she spent the remainder of her early life . Her parents were Catholic , and she was raised in that denomination .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "In London , she attended the Italia Conti Academy drama school for five years . At 13 , she began acting professionally on the stage .",
"title": "Early life"
},
{
"text": "Assuming her mothers maiden name as her stage name , Hussey appeared on the London stage as Jenny in The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie , opposite Vanessa Redgrave . During the run of this play , Italian film director Franco Zeffirelli noticed her because she was the only choice mature enough with experience and natural beauty to play Juliet while still looking 14 . At 15 , she was chosen out of 500 actresses to star as Juliet in Zeffirellis film version of Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) , opposite Leonard Whitings Romeo . Prior to her role",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in Romeo and Juliet , she had appeared in minor roles in two films : The Battle of the Villa Fiorita and Cup Fever ( both 1965 ) , and an episode of the television series Drama 61–67 ( 1964 ) . In 1969 , she won a special David di Donatello Award and the Golden Globe Award for New Star of the Year - Actress for her performance in Romeo and Juliet .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "After the success of Romeo and Juliet , Hollywood producer , Hal B . Wallis , offered her the title role in Anne of the Thousand Days ( 1969 ) , and to co-star with John Wayne in True Grit ( 1969 ) . In her 2018 memoir Hussey stated that she had “mumbled something about being interested in Anne of the Thousand Days” but added that she “couldn’t see herself with Wayne” . She claims that this “adolescent and opinionated” remark inevitably ended her professional relationship with Wallis and he immediately withdrew his offer from her . “It had",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "taken me less than a minute to talk my way out of it” Hussey stated .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "In 1971 , she appeared in the British drama All the Right Noises , followed by the crime film The Summertime Killer ( 1972 ) , and the musical Lost Horizon ( 1973 ) , opposite Liv Ullmann , John Gielgud , and Sally Kellerman . In 1974 , she played the leading role of Jess Bradford in the Canadian horror film , Black Christmas ( 1974 ) , which became influential as a forerunner of the slasher film genre of horror films . She played Mary , the mother of Jesus , in the 1977 television production of Jesus",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "of Nazareth ( her second work for director Zeffirelli ) . In 1978 she played Rosalie Otterbourne in Death on the Nile with Peter Ustinov , and appeared in The Cat and the Canary ( 1979 ) . She also starred as Marit in the Japanese film Virus ( 1980 ) , and played Rebecca of York in the 1982 remake of Ivanhoe ( 1982 ) ; the same year , she had a lead role in the Australian horror film Turkey Shoot ( 1982 ) .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " In 1987 , Hussey appeared in a clip for the Michael Jackson video Liberian Girl , among others , who also included Steven Spielberg , John Travolta , Olivia Newton-John , Whoopi Goldberg , Lou Ferrigno , and Billy Dee Williams . In 1990 , Hussey appeared in two horror projects , playing Norma Bates , the mother of Norman Bates , in , a prequel to Alfred Hitchcocks Psycho ( 1960 ) , and in the miniseries It , an adaptation of the Stephen King novel . Post-2000 and voice work .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "Hussey played the lead in Mother Teresa of Calcutta ( 2003 ) , a biographical film about Mother Teresa , for which she was presented with a Character & Morality in Entertainment Award on 12 May 2007 in Hollywood . She stated in an interview that it had been her dream and wish to portray the role of Mother Teresa of Calcutta since she finished her role as the Virgin Mary in Jesus of Nazareth . Hussey and Leonard Whiting reunited as on-screen partners in the film Social Suicide ( 2015 ) , the only film that they both appeared",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": "in since Romeo and Juliet ( 1968 ) . Husseys daughter , actress India Eisley , played their fictional daughter Julia Coulson , in the project .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey has also worked as a voice actress , and was nominated for Outstanding Individual Achievement for Voice Acting by a Female Performer in an Animated Television Production at the Annie Awards for her work in the DC animated universe , as Talia al Ghul . She voiced the character of Kasan Moor in the PC/Nintendo 64 game , ( 1998 ) and was also in the massively multiplayer online role-playing game ( 2011 ) as Jedi Master Yuon Par . She also lent her voice to in 2000 .",
"title": "Career"
},
{
"text": " Hussey quit acting for two years following the success of Franco Zeffirellis Romeo and Juliet , due to an ongoing struggle with agoraphobia . In 1971 , Hussey married actor Dean Paul Martin , the son of the singer Dean Martin . They had a son , Alexander Gunther Martin ( who became an actor ) , in 1973 , before divorcing in 1978 . Dean Paul Martin died in 1987 , when his National Guard F-4 Phantom jet fighter crashed in Californias San Bernardino Mountains during a snowstorm .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": "In 1980 , Hussey married the Japanese singer Akira Fuse , in two ceremonies : one at home in Los Angeles , and a second , an Indian wedding , in Miami . She gave birth to their son Max in 1983 and divorced Fuse in 1989 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " In 1991 , Hussey married the American rock musician David Glen Eisley , a son of actor Anthony Eisley . In October 1993 , she gave birth to their daughter , India Eisley . India , also an actress , played her first major role in the American teen drama The Secret Life of the American Teenager ( 2008 ) . Husseys memoir , The Girl on the Balcony : Olivia Hussey Finds Life After Romeo and Juliet , was released on 31 July 2018 .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Olivia Hussey at the British Film Institute",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mike_Coffman#P241#0
|
What was the military branch of Mike Coffman before Apr 1972?
|
Mike Coffman Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer . The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq War . Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career . Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado . In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado , Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 . State politics and military deployments . Colorado Legislature . Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee . Colorado Treasurer . In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips . He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon . Colorado Secretary of State . During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 . U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% . - 2012 In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016 Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll . Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust . - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin . On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues . Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote . At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike . Committee assignments . - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization Caucus memberships . - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado . Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 . Political positions . For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they are eligible for citizenship . Social issues . In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act . In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract . Drug laws . Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming . In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal government.” Donald Trump . Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan . In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session . In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election . Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on . As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns . Birther conspiracy theories . In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded . Economic issues . Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed . He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive . Gun rights . In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others . Healthcare . Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs . In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them . Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead . Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System . In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.” In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.” Net neutrality . In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules . Immigration . In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship . Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds . In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act . In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.” Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.” Voting rights . In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court . Personal life . Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist . External links . - Mike Coffman at On the Issues
|
[
"U.S . Army"
] |
[
{
"text": " Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "War .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": ", Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": "Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee .",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": " - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "are eligible for citizenship .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming .",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "government.”",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": " Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded .",
"title": "Birther conspiracy theories"
},
{
"text": " Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others .",
"title": "Gun rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules .",
"title": "Net neutrality"
},
{
"text": " In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court .",
"title": "Voting rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Mike Coffman at On the Issues",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mike_Coffman#P241#1
|
What was the military branch of Mike Coffman between Aug 1977 and Dec 1977?
|
Mike Coffman Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer . The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq War . Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career . Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado . In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado , Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 . State politics and military deployments . Colorado Legislature . Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee . Colorado Treasurer . In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips . He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon . Colorado Secretary of State . During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 . U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% . - 2012 In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016 Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll . Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust . - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin . On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues . Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote . At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike . Committee assignments . - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization Caucus memberships . - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado . Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 . Political positions . For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they are eligible for citizenship . Social issues . In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act . In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract . Drug laws . Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming . In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal government.” Donald Trump . Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan . In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session . In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election . Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on . As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns . Birther conspiracy theories . In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded . Economic issues . Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed . He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive . Gun rights . In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others . Healthcare . Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs . In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them . Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead . Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System . In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.” In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.” Net neutrality . In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules . Immigration . In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship . Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds . In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act . In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.” Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.” Voting rights . In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court . Personal life . Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist . External links . - Mike Coffman at On the Issues
|
[
"U.S . Army Reserve"
] |
[
{
"text": " Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "War .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": ", Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": "Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee .",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": " - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "are eligible for citizenship .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming .",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "government.”",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": " Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded .",
"title": "Birther conspiracy theories"
},
{
"text": " Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others .",
"title": "Gun rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules .",
"title": "Net neutrality"
},
{
"text": " In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court .",
"title": "Voting rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Mike Coffman at On the Issues",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mike_Coffman#P241#2
|
What was the military branch of Mike Coffman between Jul 1981 and Aug 1981?
|
Mike Coffman Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer . The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq War . Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career . Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado . In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado , Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 . State politics and military deployments . Colorado Legislature . Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee . Colorado Treasurer . In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips . He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon . Colorado Secretary of State . During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 . U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% . - 2012 In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016 Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll . Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust . - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin . On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues . Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote . At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike . Committee assignments . - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization Caucus memberships . - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado . Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 . Political positions . For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they are eligible for citizenship . Social issues . In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act . In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract . Drug laws . Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming . In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal government.” Donald Trump . Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan . In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session . In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election . Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on . As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns . Birther conspiracy theories . In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded . Economic issues . Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed . He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive . Gun rights . In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others . Healthcare . Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs . In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them . Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead . Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System . In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.” In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.” Net neutrality . In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules . Immigration . In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship . Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds . In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act . In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.” Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.” Voting rights . In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court . Personal life . Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist . External links . - Mike Coffman at On the Issues
|
[
"United States Marine Corps"
] |
[
{
"text": " Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "War .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": ", Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": "Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee .",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": " - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "are eligible for citizenship .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming .",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "government.”",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": " Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded .",
"title": "Birther conspiracy theories"
},
{
"text": " Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others .",
"title": "Gun rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules .",
"title": "Net neutrality"
},
{
"text": " In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court .",
"title": "Voting rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Mike Coffman at On the Issues",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/Mike_Coffman#P241#3
|
What was the military branch of Mike Coffman after Jan 1987?
|
Mike Coffman Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer . The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq War . Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career . Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado . In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado , Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 . State politics and military deployments . Colorado Legislature . Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee . Colorado Treasurer . In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips . He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon . Colorado Secretary of State . During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 . U.S . House of Representatives . Elections . - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% . - 2012 In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016 Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll . Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust . - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin . On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues . Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote . At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike . Committee assignments . - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization Caucus memberships . - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado . Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 . Political positions . For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test . According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they are eligible for citizenship . Social issues . In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act . In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract . Drug laws . Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming . In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal government.” Donald Trump . Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan . In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session . In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election . Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on . As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns . Birther conspiracy theories . In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded . Economic issues . Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed . He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive . Gun rights . In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others . Healthcare . Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs . In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them . Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead . Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System . In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.” In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.” Net neutrality . In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules . Immigration . In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship . Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds . In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act . In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.” Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.” Voting rights . In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court . Personal life . Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist . External links . - Mike Coffman at On the Issues
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " Michael Harold Coffman ( born March 19 , 1955 ) is an American politician , businessman , and veteran of the U.S . Army and U.S . Marine Corps serving as Mayor of Aurora , Colorado since 2019 . A Republican , Coffman served as the U.S . Representative for for five terms , as well as Secretary of State of Colorado and Colorado State Treasurer .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "The son of a soldier , Coffman was born in Missouri and moved to Aurora when he was 9 years old . He enlisted in the army himself at age 17 , serving two years before leaving for the reserves to attend college . Coffman received his B.A . from the University of Colorado , while attending special programs at Harvard and the University of Veracruz . After transferring to the Marine Corps Reserve , Coffman founded a property management company in Aurora in 1983 . As a soldier , Coffman served in both the Gulf War and the Iraq",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "War .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was first elected to the Colorado House of Representatives in 1988 , being reelected until his appointment to the State Senate in December 1994 . He was then elected as Colorado State Treasurer in 1998 and as Colorado Secretary of State in 2006 . He resigned as Secretary of State when he was elected to the United States Congress , where he served until his defeat for reelection by Jason Crow in 2018 . In 2019 , he was elected to his current post as Mayor of Aurora . Early life , education , and career .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Michael Coffman was born on March 19 , 1955 , at Fort Leonard Wood , Missouri , to Harold and Dorothy Coffman , and is one of five children . His father served in the United States Army at Fort Leonard Wood , and after 1964 , at Fitzsimons Army Medical Center in Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "In 1972 , Coffman enlisted in the U.S . Army , and was assigned to a mechanized infantry battalion . The following year , he earned a high school diploma through an army program . Leaving active duty for the U.S . Army Reserve in 1974 , he entered the University of Colorado , under the G.I . Bill graduating in 1979 with a bachelors degree in political science . In 1994 , he attended the Senior Executive Program at the Harvard Kennedy School . and the University of Veracruz in Mexico . Upon graduation from the University of Colorado",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": ", Coffman transferred from the Army Reserve to the United States Marine Corps in 1979 , becoming an infantry officer . In 1983 , he transferred from active duty to the Marine Reserves , serving until 1994 . In 1983 , he created an Aurora , Colorado-based property management firm , serving as senior shareholder until 2000 .",
"title": "Mike Coffman"
},
{
"text": "Coffman began his political career serving as a member of the Colorado House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994 . Shortly after winning re-election in 1990 , he took an unpaid leave of absence from the statehouse during his active duty service in the Persian Gulf War , during which time he saw combat as a light armored infantry officer . He was awarded the Combat Action Ribbon after his first deployment . In 1994 , he retired from the U.S . Marine Corps after 20 years of combined service in the Army , Army Reserve , Marines , and",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": "Marine Reserve . In 2006 , Coffman returned to active duty in the Marines where he deployed to Iraq for combat service . Upon return from his deployment , he retired from the Marine Corps once again after a total of 22 years of military service . When State Senator Bill Owens resigned his seat to become state treasurer , the partys vacancy committee named Coffman as the replacement in December 1994 . In 1996 , he was elected unopposed to a full term to the Colorado State Senate . He became the Chairman of the Finance Committee .",
"title": "Colorado Legislature"
},
{
"text": " In 1998 , Coffman was elected as State Treasurer of Colorado with 51% of the vote , defeating Democratic nominee Jim Polsfut . In 2002 , he was re-elected with 56% , defeating Democratic State Senator Terry Phillips .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "He resigned from that post in 2005 in order to resume his career in the U.S . Marines , and serve in the War in Iraq , where he helped support the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq , which oversaw two national elections , and helped establish interim local governments in the western Euphrates Valley . In 2006 , he completed his duty in Iraq and was re-appointed as State Treasurer . He served that position for only a few months because in November 2006 , he was elected Colorado Secretary of State with 51% of the vote , defeating",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "Democratic State Senator and Minority Leader Ken Gordon .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "During the general election of 2008 , when Coffman was Secretary of State of Colorado , several groups accused the secretary of states office of improperly marking 6,400 voter registration forms as incomplete , because they failed to check a box on the form , required by legislation sponsored by then Senate Majority Leader Ken Gordon in 2006 . Coffmans office responded that incomplete registrations require voters to either re-register or provide extra identification when they go to vote . Soon after the accusations were made , Common Cause filed suit against Coffman , in his official capacity as secretary",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": "of state . The secretary of states office denied wrongdoing , and Coffman said he believes his office was correctly applying the law . On October 30 , 2008 , the court approved a preliminary injunction allowing purged voters to participate in the 2008 election . Bernie Buescher , Coffmans successor as secretary of state , replaced Coffman as defendant in the case in January 2009 .",
"title": "Colorado Treasurer"
},
{
"text": " - 2008 Coffman announced that he would run for the U.S . House seat being vacated by retiring Republican Tom Tancredo in 2008 in Colorados 6th congressional district . Three other candidates decided to run in the Republican primary for the open seat : Wil Armstrong ( son of former U.S . Senator Bill Armstrong ) , State Senator Ted Harvey , and State Senator Steve Ward . Coffman won the August primary with a plurality of 40% of the vote , beating runner-up Wil Armstrong by seven points . - 2010 Coffman defeated Democrat John Flerlage 66%–31% .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "- 2012",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " In redistricting , Colorados 6th congressional district was made more favorable to Democrats than in previous elections since Aurora was added to the district . Democratic State Representative Joe Miklosi challenged Coffman . Coffman defeated Miklosi 48%–46% , a difference of 6,992 votes . - 2014 Coffman ran for re-election to the U.S . House in 2014 . He won the Republican nomination in the primary election on June 24 , 2014 , unopposed . He faced Democrat Andrew Romanoff in the general election . Coffman won 52%–43% . - 2016",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman ran for re-election in 2016 as the Republican nominee against Democratic State Senator Morgan Carroll . He defeated Carroll in the general election , winning 51% of the vote to Carrolls 42% . In July 2016 , the conservative advocacy group Americans for Prosperity announced plans to launch a major advertising campaign opposing Carroll .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Coffman subsequently held a public town hall meeting the following April , where he was challenged and often shouted down by residents of his district and others in attendance . Coffmans performance at the town hall and frank discussion with the audience earned praise from KUSA commentator Kyle Clark , who remarked that [ Coffmans ] opponents might not like me saying this , but he is clearly prepared to debate the issues , his positions , and his policies . Coffman also made national news during the town hall , telling the audience that White House Press Secretary Sean",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "Spicer needs to go because of his historically inaccurate remarks about the Holocaust .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - 2018 Coffmans 2018 Democratic opponent was Jason Crow , an attorney and Iraq War veteran , who beat Levi Tillemann in the primary by a 66 to 34 margin .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "On July 2 , 2018 , the New York Times ran an article about the fact that a district populated by Somalis , Japanese , Koreans , Latinos , and other minorities has continued to be a scene of frustration and failure for Democrats , who in a series of expensive elections had been unable to unseat Mike Coffman . The Times explained that Coffman had kept winning in part because he has sought to show he embraced the needs of his newer constituents , and had become a renegade Republican on immigration issues .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was trailing Crow in most of the polls in fall of 2018 . The Republican National Congressional Committee confirmed on October 19 , 2018 , that it had pulled the remaining $1 million in television ad spending in an apparent assessment that Coffman was likely to lose . In the November 2018 general election , Crow defeated Coffman with 54.1% to 42.9% of the vote .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": "At a press conference the day after the election , President Donald Trump blamed Coffman for the loss of his seat , as Coffman had distanced himself from the President . He said , On the other hand , you had some who decided to , Lets stay away , lets stay away . They did very poorly . Im not sure whether I should be happy or sad but I feel just fine about it .. . Mike Coffman . Too bad , Mike .",
"title": "Elections"
},
{
"text": " - Committee on Armed Services - Subcommittee on Military Personnel - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces - Committee on Veterans Affairs - Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity - Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations - Subcommittee on Technology Modernization",
"title": "Committee assignments"
},
{
"text": " - Congressional Balanced Budget Amendment Caucus ( Chairman ) - Congressional Bike Caucus - Congressional Caucus on Turkey and Turkish Americans - Congressional Coal Caucus - United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus - Natural Gas Caucus - Sportsmens Caucus - Climate Solutions Caucus - Republican Main Street Partnership - Congressional Arts Caucus - Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus - Congressional Western Caucus - Problem Solvers Caucus Mayoralty of Aurora , Colorado .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": "Coffman was defeated for re-election to Congress to by Democrat Jason Crow in 2018 . After leaving Congress , Coffman announced his candidacy for Mayor of Aurora in 2019 . He was elected mayor in November . He took office on December 2 , 2019 .",
"title": "Caucus memberships"
},
{
"text": " For the 114th United States Congress , Coffman was ranked as the 25th most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives ( and the most bipartisan member of the U.S . House of Representatives from Colorado ) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School . As of September 2018 , Coffman had voted with his party in 91.8% of votes in the 115th United States Congress . Vote Smart Political Courage Test .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "According to Vote Smarts 2016 analysis , Coffman generally supports pro-life legislation , opposes an income tax increase , opposes federal spending and supports lowering taxes as a means of promoting economic growth , opposes requiring states to adopt federal education standards , supports building the Keystone Pipeline , supports government funding for the development of renewable energy , opposes the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions , opposes gun-control legislation , supports repealing the Affordable Care Act , opposes same-sex marriage , and supports requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": "are eligible for citizenship .",
"title": "Political positions"
},
{
"text": " In early 2014 , Coffman announced that he no longer supported personhood laws . Coffman supports the Supreme Courts decision in Burwell v . Hobby Lobby , allowing closely held for-profit corporations to be exempt from a regulation its owners religiously object to , but supports maintaining access to birth control for women . Coffman supports nationwide reciprocity of concealed weapons permits and opposes universal background checks for gun purchases . He supported the 2012 renewal of the Violence Against Women Act .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": "In 2014 , Coffman co-sponsored the Employment Non-Discrimination Act , which prohibits discrimination in hiring and employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity . In 2016 , Coffman initially supported but ultimately opposed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act which would provide protections and exemptions to any religious corporation , religious association , religious educational institution , or religious society that receives a federal defense contract .",
"title": "Social issues"
},
{
"text": " Coffman had a B+ rating from marijuana legalization group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws ( NORML ) regarding his voting record on cannabis-related matters . He supports allowing veterans access to medical marijuana , if legal in their state , per their Veterans Health Administration doctors recommendation . He also supports allowing cannabis businesses access to banking , medical marijuana research , and industrial hemp farming .",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "In January 2018 , Coffman joined other Colorado congressman in criticizing a memo by Attorney General Jeff Sessions announcing his intention to rescind the Obama-era practice of allowing states to make marijuana use legal . Coffman suggested that the memo violated the constitutions commerce clause . “The decision that was made to legalize marijuana in Colorado was made by the voters of Colorado and only applies within the boundaries of our state,” he said . “Colorado had every right to legalize marijuana and I will do everything I can do protect that right against the power of an overreaching federal",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": "government.”",
"title": "Drug laws"
},
{
"text": " Coffman did not endorse Donald Trump , the Republican Partys nominee for U.S . president in 2016 . In August 2016 , he ran an advertisement promising to stand up to Trump . The ad represented the first time a House Republican used explicitly anti-Trump messaging in paid advertising . Coffman also released a version of the commercial which featured him speaking Spanish . He criticized Trump for his attacks on the parents of Captain Humayun Khan .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "In February 2017 , he voted against a resolution that would have directed the House to request ten years of Trumps tax returns , which would then have been reviewed by the House Ways and Means Committee in a closed session .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In April 2017 , Coffman told a town hall crowd he would support legislation that requires the President , Vice President , members of Congress , and all those seeking federal office to publicly release their tax returns prior to an election .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": "Coffman called for the firing of White House National Security Adviser Michael T . Flynn over interactions Flynn had with Russian officials . After Flynn was fired , Coffman said I want to see that transcript to see if there are other conversations that he had is worthwhile finding out , but I also think its important to move on .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " As of September 2018 , FiveThirtyEight found that Coffman had voted with President Trumps position 96% of the time , and was the fifth-most partisan Trump supporter in the House when compared to his districts voting patterns .",
"title": "Donald Trump"
},
{
"text": " In May 2012 , Coffman stated that he did not know where President Barack Obama was born . Coffman went on to say of Obama that in his heart , hes not an American . Hes just not an American . Coffman issued an apology several days later , saying that he had misspoken and that he had confidence in President Obamas citizenship and legitimacy as president . In a Denver Post op-ed later that month , Coffman described his comment as inappropriate and boneheaded .",
"title": "Birther conspiracy theories"
},
{
"text": " Coffman voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 , which was a stimulus package intended to save and create jobs , and provide temporary relief programs as a response to the Great Recession . Coffman cited a nonexistent Congressional Budget Office study to justify his vote against the stimulus package . Coffman later claimed that the Congressional Budget Office estimates have been changed or suppressed .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": "He voted in support of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 . Regarding his vote , Coffman says I think the economy is going to perform a lot better . He maintained that individuals would benefit greatly from the change in tax brackets and that corporate tax cuts are essential to making them globally competitive .",
"title": "Economic issues"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , he voted for a bill that would require states to accept concealed-carry permits from other , less-regulated states . He also supported a bill that would reverse an Obama administration rule confiscating guns from people unable to manage their Social Security benefits . At a February 2018 town hall , Coffman said he would consider “reasonable restrictions” on gun rights “within the parameters of the Second Amendment.” He said he would not support an assault-weapons ban , but would allow the temporary confiscation of firearms from persons who represented a threat to themselves or others .",
"title": "Gun rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman is in favor of a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act ( Obamacare ) . In January 2017 , he voted in support of legislation that began the process of repealing the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) . In May 2017 , Coffman voted against the American Health Care Act of 2017 , a Republican bill which would have partially repealed the ACA . Military and veterans affairs .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In 2011 , Coffman proposed a half billion dollars in cuts to military programs such as education reimbursements , the Selective Service and the militarys health plan , TRICARE , saying that the programs have been neglected for a long time . Every dollar wasted is a dollar not going to our war fighters . What they do is important to this country , and we should focus on them .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " Coffman introduced the Veterans Paralympic Act of 2013 , which funds disabled veterans who want to compete in the Paralympic Games . The bill was signed into law by President Obama in 2013 . In response to a 2013 Gazette report about veterans with mental health conditions , such as post-traumatic stress disorder , being stripped of medical benefits , Coffman sponsored a 2014 amendment that would allow servicemen with mental health issues who were discharged because of misconduct to appeal for medical discharge instead .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "Coffman introduced the Gulf War Health Research Reform Act of 2014 , a bill that would alter the relationship between the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Illnesses ( RAC ) and the United States Department of Veterans Affairs ( VA ) . Coffman was the first congressman to call for Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to resign after misconduct at multiple VA facilities was revealed . On May 30 , 2014 , Shinseki resigned as Secretary . In 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Selective Service System .",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In December 2017 , Coffman and Elizabeth Esty ( D-CT ) introduced H.R . 4635 to “direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to increase the number of peer-to-peer counselors providing counseling for women veterans.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": "In March 2018 , Coffman called on President Trump to fire VA Secretary David Shulkin over his travel expenses and other issues . Coffman wrote the president that Shulkin “lacks the moral authority to achieve your goals of a transparent , accountable VA that is dedicated to meeting our nations obligations to the men and women who wore the uniform and made tremendous sacrifices in defense of our freedoms.”",
"title": "Healthcare"
},
{
"text": " In July 2018 , Coffman supported a congressional bill to reinstate net neutrality rules .",
"title": "Net neutrality"
},
{
"text": " In August 2014 , Coffman broke ranks with the Republican Party and voted against a bill that would have dismantled the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program . In October 2015 , Coffman and Democrat Tammy Duckworth co-sponsored the Military Enlistment Opportunity Act , which would provide undocumented immigrant children an opportunity to serve in the U.S . military and gain a path to citizenship .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "Coffman opposed President Donald Trumps 2017 executive order to impose a temporary ban on entry to the U.S . to citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries , stating : While Ive supported heightened vetting procedures , I have never , nor will I ever support a blanket travel ban , for people solely based on ethnic or religious grounds .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In 2017 , Coffman petitioned the House to pass a law protecting DREAMers . In September of that year , however , Representative Bob Goodlatte chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , said he would not act on any such legislation before addressing criminal foreign gangs and border security . Coffman then withdrew his petition , saying , “With all the other things going on right now , its kind of put on the back burner.” He said , though , that he would sign a Democratic petition to force a vote on the DREAM Act .",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": "In June 2018 , Coffman said the Trump administration was “heading in the wrong direction” on immigration owing to Stephen Millers role as a presidential advisor . Coffman said that Trump should fire Miller , whom he described as “completely tone deaf when it comes to reforming our immigration system.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " Also in June 2018 , he talked to NPR about the separation of illegal immigrants from their children , saying that the White House should “appoint one person solely focused on the reunification issue of these families.” He said he had visited a detention center for children , and found the conditions there to be “pretty good.”",
"title": "Immigration"
},
{
"text": " In September 2016 , Coffman co-sponsored the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2015 , which would restore some protections in the 1965 Voting Rights Act that had been removed by the United States Supreme Court .",
"title": "Voting rights"
},
{
"text": " Coffman was married to former Colorado Attorney General Cynthia Coffman . They filed for divorce in June 2017 . Coffman is a United Methodist .",
"title": "Personal life"
},
{
"text": " - Mike Coffman at On the Issues",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/George_Abram_Miller#P108#0
|
Who did George Abram Miller work for in Jul 1890?
|
George Abram Miller George Abram Miller ( 31 July 1863 – 10 February 1951 ) was an early group theorist . At age 17 Miller began school-teaching to raise funds for higher education . In 1882 he entered Franklin and Marshall Academy , and progressed to Muhlenberg College in 1884 . He received his B.A . in 1887 and M.A . in 1890 . While a graduate student , Miller was Principal of schools in Greeley , Kansas and then professor of mathematics as Eureka College in Eureka , Illinois . He corresponded with Cumberland University in Lebanon , Tennessee for his Ph.D . in 1892 . He then joined Frank Nelson Cole at University of Michigan and began to study groups . In 1895 he went to Europe where he heard Sophus Lie lecture at Leipzig and Camille Jordan at Paris . In 1897 he went to Cornell University as an assistant professor , and in 1901 to Stanford University as associate professor . In 1906 he went to University of Illinois where he taught until retirement in 1931 . Miller helped in the enumeration of finite groups of degree 8 , 9 , and 10 . Arthur Cayley had listed 198 groups of degree 8 in 1891 , and Miller found two more making the total 200 in 1893 . Camille Jordan had given a list for degree 9 in 1872 , re-examined by Cole , and brought up to 258 groups by Miller . In 1894 Miller produced a list of 294 intransitive groups of degree 10 . In consequence , the Academy of Science of Cracow awarded a prize and Miller came to prominence in the mathematical world abruptly . Miller was president of the Mathematical Association of America 1921–1922 and gave a plenary address at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1924 in Toronto . Millers Collected Works were edited by Henry Roy Brahana and published by University of Illinois Press , the first two volumes appearing in 1935 and 1939 . The final three volumes were published in 1946 , 1955 , and 1959 . His doctoral students include H . L . Rietz . Publications . - 1892 : An introduction to the study of Determinants , with examples and applications . - 1905 : Groups of subtraction and division . - 1908 : On the multiple holomorphs of a group , Mathematische Annalen 66 ( 1 ) : 133-142 - 1911 : Abstract definitions of all the substitution groups whose degrees do not exceed seven , American Journal of Mathematics - 1911 : The Algebraic Equation - 1916 : ( with H . F . Blichfeldt , & L . E . Dickson ) Theory and Application of Finite Groups from University of Michigan Historical Math Collection , original publisher : John Wiley & Sons . - 1916 : Historical Introduction to Mathematical Literature from Cornell University Historical Math Monographs , original publisher Macmillan Publishers . - 1947 : An Eleventh Lesson in the History of Mathematics , Mathematics Magazine 21 ( 1 ) : 48-55 . External links . - George A . Miller Papers 1895–1947 , 1951 from University of Illinois Archives .
|
[
"Eureka College"
] |
[
{
"text": " George Abram Miller ( 31 July 1863 – 10 February 1951 ) was an early group theorist .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "At age 17 Miller began school-teaching to raise funds for higher education . In 1882 he entered Franklin and Marshall Academy , and progressed to Muhlenberg College in 1884 . He received his B.A . in 1887 and M.A . in 1890 . While a graduate student , Miller was Principal of schools in Greeley , Kansas and then professor of mathematics as Eureka College in Eureka , Illinois . He corresponded with Cumberland University in Lebanon , Tennessee for his Ph.D . in 1892 . He then joined Frank Nelson Cole at University of Michigan and began to study",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "groups . In 1895 he went to Europe where he heard Sophus Lie lecture at Leipzig and Camille Jordan at Paris . In 1897 he went to Cornell University as an assistant professor , and in 1901 to Stanford University as associate professor . In 1906 he went to University of Illinois where he taught until retirement in 1931 .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "Miller helped in the enumeration of finite groups of degree 8 , 9 , and 10 . Arthur Cayley had listed 198 groups of degree 8 in 1891 , and Miller found two more making the total 200 in 1893 . Camille Jordan had given a list for degree 9 in 1872 , re-examined by Cole , and brought up to 258 groups by Miller . In 1894 Miller produced a list of 294 intransitive groups of degree 10 . In consequence , the Academy of Science of Cracow awarded a prize and Miller came to prominence in the mathematical",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "world abruptly .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": " Miller was president of the Mathematical Association of America 1921–1922 and gave a plenary address at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1924 in Toronto . Millers Collected Works were edited by Henry Roy Brahana and published by University of Illinois Press , the first two volumes appearing in 1935 and 1939 . The final three volumes were published in 1946 , 1955 , and 1959 . His doctoral students include H . L . Rietz .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": " - 1892 : An introduction to the study of Determinants , with examples and applications . - 1905 : Groups of subtraction and division . - 1908 : On the multiple holomorphs of a group , Mathematische Annalen 66 ( 1 ) : 133-142 - 1911 : Abstract definitions of all the substitution groups whose degrees do not exceed seven , American Journal of Mathematics - 1911 : The Algebraic Equation",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1916 : ( with H . F . Blichfeldt , & L . E . Dickson ) Theory and Application of Finite Groups from University of Michigan Historical Math Collection , original publisher : John Wiley & Sons .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1916 : Historical Introduction to Mathematical Literature from Cornell University Historical Math Monographs , original publisher Macmillan Publishers . - 1947 : An Eleventh Lesson in the History of Mathematics , Mathematics Magazine 21 ( 1 ) : 48-55 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - George A . Miller Papers 1895–1947 , 1951 from University of Illinois Archives .",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
/wiki/George_Abram_Miller#P108#1
|
Who did George Abram Miller work for in Apr 1894?
|
George Abram Miller George Abram Miller ( 31 July 1863 – 10 February 1951 ) was an early group theorist . At age 17 Miller began school-teaching to raise funds for higher education . In 1882 he entered Franklin and Marshall Academy , and progressed to Muhlenberg College in 1884 . He received his B.A . in 1887 and M.A . in 1890 . While a graduate student , Miller was Principal of schools in Greeley , Kansas and then professor of mathematics as Eureka College in Eureka , Illinois . He corresponded with Cumberland University in Lebanon , Tennessee for his Ph.D . in 1892 . He then joined Frank Nelson Cole at University of Michigan and began to study groups . In 1895 he went to Europe where he heard Sophus Lie lecture at Leipzig and Camille Jordan at Paris . In 1897 he went to Cornell University as an assistant professor , and in 1901 to Stanford University as associate professor . In 1906 he went to University of Illinois where he taught until retirement in 1931 . Miller helped in the enumeration of finite groups of degree 8 , 9 , and 10 . Arthur Cayley had listed 198 groups of degree 8 in 1891 , and Miller found two more making the total 200 in 1893 . Camille Jordan had given a list for degree 9 in 1872 , re-examined by Cole , and brought up to 258 groups by Miller . In 1894 Miller produced a list of 294 intransitive groups of degree 10 . In consequence , the Academy of Science of Cracow awarded a prize and Miller came to prominence in the mathematical world abruptly . Miller was president of the Mathematical Association of America 1921–1922 and gave a plenary address at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1924 in Toronto . Millers Collected Works were edited by Henry Roy Brahana and published by University of Illinois Press , the first two volumes appearing in 1935 and 1939 . The final three volumes were published in 1946 , 1955 , and 1959 . His doctoral students include H . L . Rietz . Publications . - 1892 : An introduction to the study of Determinants , with examples and applications . - 1905 : Groups of subtraction and division . - 1908 : On the multiple holomorphs of a group , Mathematische Annalen 66 ( 1 ) : 133-142 - 1911 : Abstract definitions of all the substitution groups whose degrees do not exceed seven , American Journal of Mathematics - 1911 : The Algebraic Equation - 1916 : ( with H . F . Blichfeldt , & L . E . Dickson ) Theory and Application of Finite Groups from University of Michigan Historical Math Collection , original publisher : John Wiley & Sons . - 1916 : Historical Introduction to Mathematical Literature from Cornell University Historical Math Monographs , original publisher Macmillan Publishers . - 1947 : An Eleventh Lesson in the History of Mathematics , Mathematics Magazine 21 ( 1 ) : 48-55 . External links . - George A . Miller Papers 1895–1947 , 1951 from University of Illinois Archives .
|
[
""
] |
[
{
"text": " George Abram Miller ( 31 July 1863 – 10 February 1951 ) was an early group theorist .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "At age 17 Miller began school-teaching to raise funds for higher education . In 1882 he entered Franklin and Marshall Academy , and progressed to Muhlenberg College in 1884 . He received his B.A . in 1887 and M.A . in 1890 . While a graduate student , Miller was Principal of schools in Greeley , Kansas and then professor of mathematics as Eureka College in Eureka , Illinois . He corresponded with Cumberland University in Lebanon , Tennessee for his Ph.D . in 1892 . He then joined Frank Nelson Cole at University of Michigan and began to study",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "groups . In 1895 he went to Europe where he heard Sophus Lie lecture at Leipzig and Camille Jordan at Paris . In 1897 he went to Cornell University as an assistant professor , and in 1901 to Stanford University as associate professor . In 1906 he went to University of Illinois where he taught until retirement in 1931 .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "Miller helped in the enumeration of finite groups of degree 8 , 9 , and 10 . Arthur Cayley had listed 198 groups of degree 8 in 1891 , and Miller found two more making the total 200 in 1893 . Camille Jordan had given a list for degree 9 in 1872 , re-examined by Cole , and brought up to 258 groups by Miller . In 1894 Miller produced a list of 294 intransitive groups of degree 10 . In consequence , the Academy of Science of Cracow awarded a prize and Miller came to prominence in the mathematical",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": "world abruptly .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": " Miller was president of the Mathematical Association of America 1921–1922 and gave a plenary address at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1924 in Toronto . Millers Collected Works were edited by Henry Roy Brahana and published by University of Illinois Press , the first two volumes appearing in 1935 and 1939 . The final three volumes were published in 1946 , 1955 , and 1959 . His doctoral students include H . L . Rietz .",
"title": "George Abram Miller"
},
{
"text": " - 1892 : An introduction to the study of Determinants , with examples and applications . - 1905 : Groups of subtraction and division . - 1908 : On the multiple holomorphs of a group , Mathematische Annalen 66 ( 1 ) : 133-142 - 1911 : Abstract definitions of all the substitution groups whose degrees do not exceed seven , American Journal of Mathematics - 1911 : The Algebraic Equation",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": "- 1916 : ( with H . F . Blichfeldt , & L . E . Dickson ) Theory and Application of Finite Groups from University of Michigan Historical Math Collection , original publisher : John Wiley & Sons .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - 1916 : Historical Introduction to Mathematical Literature from Cornell University Historical Math Monographs , original publisher Macmillan Publishers . - 1947 : An Eleventh Lesson in the History of Mathematics , Mathematics Magazine 21 ( 1 ) : 48-55 .",
"title": "Publications"
},
{
"text": " - George A . Miller Papers 1895–1947 , 1951 from University of Illinois Archives .",
"title": "External links"
}
] |
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